"Everything seemed to be against us. Cleverly veiled intimidation was practised in many districts and the majority of our colleagues were in such a state of fear and backwardness that they dared not, or would not, join hands with us. Many disliked the bare idea of trade unionism and none of us had thought of Parliamentary action. Years later we learnt its value, for in 1909 it saved the RCA from complete stultification."
A.G. Walkden
General Secretary RCA 1906-1936.
As Walkden's workload increased he was obliged to take on additional staff. An accountant, F.G. Deamer, was engaged, and Joseph St. Clair Halfpenny, who had been employed at Liverpool Street as a chief clerk, became the union's first paid National Organiser in 1907. The EC decided that for organisational purposes Halfpenny should be based at Sheffield, but as we shall see, this proved to be a mistake. In 1908 Walkden appointed Francis Watts1 to assist him in his clerical duties.Watts enjoyed his employment so much that he continued working for the Association until his retirement in 1945. In 1911, Walkden appointed another great stalwart of the Association, Joseph Barrow2 who was, for a long period, responsible for its political work; he retired in 1950.
The President, William West, eventually decided that his future prospects did not rest with the railway and during his leave of absence was engaged by Messrs. Biggs and Sons where The Railway Clerk was printed. Later, he set up his own printing business at 139, Salisbury Court, Fleet Street, and the printing of The Railway Clerk was transferred to his company. West continued as Editor until December 1907 when A.G. Walkden took over, in addition to his duties as General Secretary. West, unable to attend the 1908 Annual Conference owing to pressure of business, resigned the Presidency, and George Lathan3 was elected in his place. By 1912, the RCA was again under pressure to increase its establishment and Lathan was appointed as Chief Assistant Secretary, a position he retained until his retirement.
The Labour Party had made a major breakthrough in the 1906 election but the railway companies still retained a massive presence within Parliament, having 25 directors with seats in the House of Commons and 42 in the House of Lords. The only railway workers' representatives were Walter Hudson (President of the ASRS 1882-1898), George Wardle and Richard Bell. Unfortunately Bell, who had been an MP since 1900, not only had a number of deep disagreements with his union, but had begun to distance himself from the Labour Party. As we have seen Parliament had always been of considerable importance to the RCA and in order to review some of the Association's most important campaigns that took place both inside and outside Parliament, we have to return to an earlier period.
The earliest superannuation funds were well established before the turn of the century and they have always been of considerable importance to members of the Association. The London and South Western Railway set up a fund in 1864 to be followed by the GWR twelve months later. By the time the South Eastern and Chatham Railway had formed their fund in 1906, the majority of clerical staff were members of approximately fourteen funds, each with their own rate of contribution and benefits.
One of the Association's earliest campaigns came in 1904, when the L&Y Railway presented to Parliament a Bill which sought to discontinue the company's contribution to the superannuation fund and to retain the interest from the fund's investments. When this became known there was great indignation amongst members and, in order to safeguard their interests, the RCA immediately sought the services of one of its vice-presidents - James Henry Yoxall MP - who masterminded activity within Parliament. He was assisted by a number of others, notably Sir Fortescue Flannery and Richard Bell, and it was owing to their efforts that in 1904, not only did the L&Y Railway withdraw its proposals, but it also provided a seat for a clerical representative on the Superannuation Fund Committee which, up to now, had been monopolised by chief officials of the company.
With the experience of the L&Y Railway Superannuation Fund behind them, the EC decided to examine other superannuation funds and launched a drive for greater accountability. Arthur Lawrence Dorer,4 a member of the (Kings) Lynn branch did most of the invaluable background work and eventually became one of the Association's superannuation experts. The public campaign was led by William West through the auspices of The Railway Clerk which had become so popular with the membership that it was regarded as essential reading for some directors and senior managers. West constantly emphasised the importance of greater democracy in every Fund and in 1905, along with two others, Mr. James and Mr. Sewell, became the first officially sponsored RCA members to be elected to a superannuation fund management committee.
Following the investigative work of Dorer, the EC took the matter up with the Board of Trade who, in 1907, responded by initiating a Departmental Committee to inquire into the constitution, rules, administration and financial position of Superannuation and similar funds of railway companies. Walkden and many other members of the Association gave evidence to the committee and George Wardle was appointed to it in order to safeguard the union's interests. Wardle received a small remuneration from the RCA, a mere pittance considering the work he did for the Association. It was an issue that would be raised by Wardle when he fell on hard times in 1918.
The Departmental Committee conducted a thorough survey of all the railway superannuation and pension funds and even though the companies only gave limited verbal evidence to the enquiry, they provided considerable documentation including actuarial reports and balance sheets. These revealed that many funds were insolvent as some companies had discontinued paying contributions. The report, which was completed on 22nd August 1910, recommended that provision should be made for meeting deficiences and said that every company should, if necessary, make annual contributions to ensure the solvency of its fund. In addition, funds would have to be valued at least every five years by qualified actuaries, and the results of these investigations were to be issued to members. Other important recommendations included the refunding of contributions to those members who had left the railway; the issuing of annual reports and balance sheets; the holding of annual meetings of members, and the provision of proper facilities for the election of representatives to the committees of management.
During the campaign the constant pressure exerted by the Association led to a number of immediate reforms, with the Midland Railway and the London Clearing House being the most responsive. The union publicised the worst features of the various funds, including the fact that only those who actually attended the Midland Fund AGM were eligible to vote for the management committee. This led to the introduction of a secret ballot by the Midland Superannuation Fund in 1907, with two RCA members, Arthur Chandler and Robert Hearn5 being elected. Their election led directly to further positive changes being made to the Fund. The Association's national campaign for greater accountability continued, but it was a massive task and it was not until 1912 that the first democratic election to any of the Scottish Railway Superannuation Funds took place.
The railway companies consistently refused to recognise the RCA but a new mood of confidence was generated following the introduction of the 1906 Trade Disputes Act. The ASRS launched their second "All Grades Movement" to secure higher wages and recognition, and on 12th May 1907 Walkden, along with other union leaders, spoke to a massive rally of 20,000 railway workers in Hyde Park. On 24th October one of the biggest meetings the RCA had ever held took place at the Essex Hall, London. The chairman, Alderman Thompson (who had presided over the Association's first meeting in London ten years earlier), received an enthusiastic response when he expressed his delight that the union now had 116 branches and over 10,000 members. William West delivered the main address demanding recognition for all the railway unions with supportive speeches coming from George Wardle, C.W. Bowerman and the former Editor of the Railway Herald, P. W. Wilson. The campaign did not bring recognition, and to avert a strike by the ASRS, the first Conciliation Scheme (cleverly conceived by Lloyd George, President of the Board of Trade, in conjunction with the railway companies as an alternative to recognition) was agreed for manual workers on 6th November 1907. The scheme was intended to last for six years and initially the RCA was somewhat bitter that it had been excluded, but, in due course, defects were revealed in the Scheme and the Association continued its own campaign.
Even though over 50,000 clerks still remained outside the ranks of the RCA, members were pleased with the progress they had made. They still had many grievances to resolve but there was one above all others that they were determined to change as soon as possible - Sunday work without pay. Petitions had been sent to all the railway companies and a few had already conceded the principle. The major companies were totally opposed to the suggestion and it was on the Great Central Railway that matters came to a head in 1907.
The clerks at Ashton Park Parade Goods Office were contracted to work six days per week, and when an RCA member, E. Broadbent, was transferred to the passenger station, he was instructed to work on Sundays without extra pay. Under protest, Broadbent, along with his nine colleagues, worked the extra duties but at the same time continued to press the company for payment. The local manager was sympathetic; the District Superintendent, Mr. Gibson, was not, and he insisted that they carry out the additional Sunday work without pay. The clerks then appealed to the General Manager who not only upheld the ruling of his Superintendent but extended the policy to other stations.
The following Sunday one clerk agreed to carry out his duty, but when Broadbent was rostered, he refused, and was dismissed with a month's pay in lieu of notice. The local Trades Council with its 12,000 affiliates was very supportive and a meeting took place at the Ashton Town Hall with some 2,000 present. The main speakers were the local MP A.H. Scott, A.G. Walkden, W.J. West and J.R. Ferrey.6 The meeting condemned Broadbent's dismissal, but an appeal to get him reinstated was turned down by the company. By this time, two other clerks, James Joyce and Samuel Mellor, both members of the ASRS, also refused to work on Sunday and were discharged. Alexander Walkden wrote to all the directors of the Great Central Railway suggesting that they were possibly unaware of the fact that no extra payment was made to clerks who worked on Sundays even though members of other grades received additional compensation for such work.7 This failed to have the desired effect and throughout the union members prepared for further dismissals.
A subscription list on behalf of the Ashton clerks was opened in order to guarantee them full wages until they could obtain other employment, and this raised over £76. Another mass meeting took place in Manchester and although the union agreed that the other Great Central clerks should work normally on Sundays, the fight for justice continued. One aspect of the dispute was particularly vicious, as Broadbent, who had paid superannuation for sixteen years, lost all his pension when he was dismissed. He did receive a week's wage of £1 10s 9d (£1.54) from the union and a cheque for £70 from the Ashton Clerks' Defence Fund but this was small compensation. The union made several attempts to get Broadbent reinstated but they were all turned down and eventually he decided to start his own business, becoming a successful estate agent.
After such a sacrifice the campaign had to continue and, one by one, the companies conceded that the union had justice on its side. Support came from all political parties and many organisations, and on 4th April 1911 Edward Goulding, the Unionist MP for Worcester, introduced The Railway Clerks' Weekly Rest Bill to Parliament calling for Sunday to be free or a rest day provided during the week. Clerks should be free at least on alternate Sundays and Sunday duty should be paid at not less than time and a quarter. As the details for Goulding's introductory speech had been supplied by the RCA, this was exploited by some sections of the press who attempted to create divisions between the RCA and the Labour Party.
The 1911 RCA Conference gave the Bill qualified approval, considering that it should be improved, and placed on record the RCA's appreciation of the assistance that had been provided by members of the Labour Party on the question of Sunday work, and other matters.8 Walkden wrote to several newspapers, pointing out that while the Association was grateful to Goulding and his colleagues for their efforts, others also had to be thanked for their valuable assistance over the years. The Bill did not survive its First Reading, but the publicity, along with the pressure exerted by the Association, ensured that by the end of 1911 all the railway companies had agreed to pay for Sunday clerical work. Some companies also conceded Sunday pay to stationmasters, but the policy was not universal, and in Ireland, where conditions were even worse than in Britain, a large proportion of station masters were not paid for Sunday duty until 1919.
If trade unionists have learnt one lesson above all others, it is that political and trade union rights are never secure and have to be defended time and time again. In January 1910, during the election campaign, the General Manager of the Great North of Scotland Railway, George Davidson, achieved considerable notoriety amongst members of the RCA. This arose from a circular he had issued which stated, Staff are taking an active part in the public discussion of political questions affecting the interests of Traders on the Line, especially in the Distillery Districts
and hoped that in the interests of goodwill and harmony between the Company and the Traders, all Officials and Members of the Staff will refrain from public speaking, heckling or canvassing in connection with the General Election.
Protests from members led Walkden to contact the fifteen candidates and one Unionist virtually told the Association to mind its own business as he approved of the company's action; all the others supported the Association and indeed some had already made their views known to the General Manager. Commenting on the subject, Winston Churchill, President of the Board of Trade, said that although the circular was not illegal, it was most undesirable for a railway company to restrict the political activities of its employees.9
Walkden had strong suspicions that the circular had been instigated by the Distillers, particularly as two railway directors were proprietors of major distilleries in the area. Most of the directors were Unionist, and they were concerned that a Liberal Budget, with an increase in taxation on whisky, would affect their profits. Support for the union's stand came from the press, the Aberdeen Trades Council and the Scottish TUC which upheld a resolution from the RCA condemning the attempt to restrict the legitimate political activities of its employees.10
The RCA exploited the incident to promote some of its most important objectives. It mobilised all its branches and asked every Parliamentary candidate the following questions:
The majority of those who responded were in favour of the union's initiative and the very fact that it had been launched reveals the remarkable political development that had taken place in the thirteen years since the union's formation.
Apart from recognition, there still remained another crucial issue to be resolved and this was the appalling state of office accommodation that existed throughout the country, with its resulting disease - tuberculosis. It was on this that the Association began to concentrate its efforts. The issue of healthy office accommodation was so important to clerical workers that some of the Association's earliest motions submitted to national conferences related to this topic. At the 1909 Scottish TUC, the Association made its first call for railway offices to be subject to the same provisions for sanitation and inspection as those embodied in the Factory Acts.
In 1911, Arthur Chandler, as a member of the Management Committee of the Midland Superannuation Fund, noticed an abnormal proportion of deaths from consumption and attempted to find out if railway clerks suffered more from this disease than other employees. He obtained information from his Superannuation Fund Secretary and although the data only dealt with 55 per cent of the recorded deaths, he observed that of the 509 cases no less than 42 per cent were attributable to tuberculosis in one form or another. When he examined the information issued by the Registrar-General for England and Wales during the previous seven years regarding males aged 15-65, this gave a death rate from tuberculosis of 22.3 per cent.
Chandler continued his exercise and found that in the Accountant's Department in Derby, 71 per cent of the recorded deaths were attributable to consumption, and in Birmingham, 53 per cent. At Manchester Goods Department the consumption death rate was 42 per cent and at Somers Town, 80 per cent. Chandler passed the information to his brother, who was a doctor. He analysed the statistics and agreed that it was obviously an occupational disease and that the figures indicated that clerks in certain offices were particularly prone to it.
Faced with similar problems the RCA and the NUC worked closely to get legislation through Parliament to force employers to provide a safe and hygienic working environment. The NUC developed its own Offices Bill and the RCA, in conjunction with the NUC, developed a Railway Offices Bill. This was presented to Parliament by George Wardle on 6th May 1912 and had the support of Sir James Yoxall, a former vice-president of the Association, Walter Hudson and J.H. Thomas both members of the ASRS. The RCA's Bill dealt not only with office standards but also with other important matters including one that nobody under the age of 18 years should be employed at night, and that night workers should not be obliged to do such work continuously for more than three years. It called for all public holidays or equivalent time off without loss of pay, the standard working week to be 42 hours and that no person should work overtime on more than three days in any one week, or more than 30 days in one year.
To promote their Bills the NUC and RCA sent a joint deputation to the Home Office on 21st March 1912 to discuss the matter with the Under Secretary of State, Ellis J. Griffith. Walkden presented their case, contending that the office was a workshop, in which clerical workers have to perform their labour.
12 Walkden used the information collated by Chandler to great effect and told Griffith that as the railway companies had seen their profits increase from £45 million in 1907 to £48 million in 1911, they were in an excellent position to pay for improved accommodation. Griffith admitted that he had been impressed by Chandler's statistics and despite the fact that they did not quite accord with the figures at his disposal, he confessed that he was not aware that tuberculosis was so serious amongst railway clerks.13
The Railway Offices Bill did not reach the statute book owing to the pressure of Parliamentary business, but the subject did receive considerable publicity and the Midland Railway Company agreed to allow up to six months' leave with full pay to any clerk found to be suffering from consumption. The RCA was fully aware that this was simply treating the symptoms and that decent working and social conditions had to be introduced. That was still a long way off and it would not be until 1936 when the Public Health Act clarified the responsibilities of local authorities, that any real progress was made.
The struggle to build the Association was extremely difficult and, at times, bitterly contested by the employers. An example of this was the way in which the York branch began its existence. To advertise a meeting on 5th September 1901, One bold spirit ventured to pin a notice on his office wall, whence it was speedily removed by the Chief, who held an enquiry on the spot and promised the direst penalties to the delinquent should he be discovered. Clerks were privately warned by their superiors that such revolutionary and anarchical meetings should be avoided altogether, and if the 'powers' learned that any of their staff had been present, even to satisfy an idle curiosity, the results would probably be fatal to that person's future prospects.
14
This was merely four years after the NER had stated that it had no objections to their clerks forming a union. The RCA still continued to recruit members but only a minority of the NER's 6,000 clerks were members of the Association. Even so, the company set out in a very determined manner to "crush" the union.15 This arose shortly after the Association had succeeded in obtaining payment for Sunday work and the election of four of its members to the Management Committee of the NER Superannuation Fund. This was of considerable importance as they had been elected on a programme of reform which led to a sharp increase in membership and a number of new branches being opened throughout the North-East, including one at York in September 1907. Many of these new members included clerks employed at the company's head office, one of whom was the York branch secretary Thomas H. Gill,16 and it was this, above all else, that infuriated the company directors. "Confidentiality" was the pretext for attacking the Association and it became a matter of bitter contention for many years.
The NER's offensive to intimidate union members was initiated by its General Manager, A.K. Butterworth, who issued instructions to his departmental managers to identify members of the RCA and to inform them that their chances of promotion would be limited for as long as they maintained a relationship with the union. Those members who already occupied positions of responsibility within the company were asked to resign from the RCA. Some local managers questioned the interpretation of "confidentiality" but Butterworth was unmoved and said that this was a matter for the discretion of the managers concerned, and from his point of view the RCA was to be treated as being open only to those who filled subordinate positions or were occupied in routine work.17
T.H. Gill survived Butterworth's victimisation but Will Stott, who had joined the Association in 1905 and became active when the York branch was formed, did not. Stott was interviewed by his manager and given the option of resigning from the RCA or being posted elsewhere. He refused to resign and was virtually banished from the Goods Manager's office at York to a small country station in Wensleydale. Will Stott, who was also an activist within the ILP, was never quite sure if it was his socialist activities or his membership of the RCA that led to his difficulties; two years later he left the railway and was appointed as an Assistant Secretary to A.G. Walkden. He started to write articles for The Railway Clerk and although Walkden remained as the Editor, Stott took an increasing share of the workload and became acting Editor in 1914. He was appointed Editor the following year and was, without doubt, brilliant, provocative and, occasionally, controversial. Stott became General Secretary of the RCA from 1936 until his retirement in 1940.
The actions of the NER contrasted sharply to the public utterances of a "Chief Railway Official" who wrote to The Times on 19th October 1907:
"With regard to the suggestion that the companies or their officials might be tempted to mark
a man on account of his having brought forward a complaint, no evidence is adduced of any such case having occurred in the past; and there is no reason whatever for assuming that the companies are any more likely to descend to a pettiness of the kind in the future. The companies do not make any distinction between those of their men who belong to the various unions and those who do not, and they do not seek in any way to interfere in the workings of the unions."
In the same issue of The Times a railway chairman stated, Another principle has been that no inquiry is ever made whether any man belongs to the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants or to any other society.
Both letters were totally at odds with the actual experience of thousands of railway workers who had been discriminated against in one form or another merely for being union members. Walkden, who had actually attended the meeting at York in 1901, was well versed in the double standards of railway officials and he was incensed at this new attack on members' civil rights. He wrote to the NER, reminding Butterworth that his predecessor had stated in 1897 that the company had no objection to clerks forming their own union. To this, Butterworth replied that although he shared Sir George Gibb's view that no objection could be taken to clerks being a member of a union, it did not mean that all clerks should join any or every Association, irrespective of its objects. Butterworth then made it quite clear that in the case of the company's more responsible clerks, their position and duties were not compatible with membership of the RCA.18 This from one of the most progressive railway companies in the country!
The correspondence continued for some time and Butterworth was continuously pressed by Walkden for a meeting to discuss the matter. He always refused until, when giving evidence at a Board of Trade Committee, he finally consented. When they met, a number of misunderstandings were cleared up and Butterworth accepted that many of his district officials had gone beyond his intentions. He agreed to stop the blatant intimidation that had taken place but refused to rescind his policy regarding clerks who worked at the head office and in positions of confidentiality, insisting that they ought not to belong to such a militant organisation as the RCA.
19
Walkden again challenged Butterworth who was obliged to admit that he had never heard anything untoward about clerical staff, and at the end of a long and difficult meeting, Butterworth finally agreed to reconsider his position. After a period without communication, when Walkden again pressed him for an answer, he replied that he had nothing further to say on the matter.After considering Butterworth's response the EC decided to take the matter to the TUC Parliamentary Committee which, along with its Labour MPs, agreed to block a Bill, promoted by the NER, in the House of Commons. In the meantime Richard Bell, (without the RCA's knowledge) had met Butterworth and attempted to reach a compromise. Butterworth told Bell that no businessman would allow his confidential clerks to enter any organisation in which they could use information against the company, perhaps in some dispute.20 He also said that he envisaged not more than 300 clerks would be affected, rather than the 3,000 which the RCA had forecast, (a figure which had not been previously disputed by the company's representatives). Bell considered that as the 300 were mainly the most senior clerks, it was most unlikely that they would wish to join anyway21 but when Walkden was told what had transpired at the meeting, he was furious and said that every clerk had a right to belong to the RCA and it was an insult to suppose that clerks would divulge confidential information or use it unfairly against the company.
Support for the RCA came from many organisations, notably the Shop Assistants' Union and Trades Councils, and eventually, after the Bill had been blocked for five weeks, a two hour debate took place in the House of Commons on 15th July 1909. There had been less than fifty members present during the previous debate but there was an appreciable increase when the NER's Bill came up for its Second Reading. This was partly owing to the fact that Walkden had provided every MP with full details of the dispute; in addition, many members of the RCA had contacted their own MPs asking them to support the Association. W.C. Steadman, the Labour MP for Finsbury, and Secretary of the TUC, who had already been of great assistance to the Association, launched a blistering defence of trade union rights and attacked the NER for persecuting its staff.
Stanley Baldwin,22 a director of the Great Western Railway (GWR), defended the NER's policy as did some other Conservatives, contending that whilst postal or municipal clerks might belong to a trade union, no businessman would agree to his confidential clerk joining such an organisation, so long as our industry exists on its present competitive and capitalist basis.
23 Walter Hudson who had worked for the NER many years earlier, said that the company was acting unfairly and unwisely, but it was Richard Bell who caused consternation in Labour ranks. Just before the debate, he had had a two hour meeting with Walkden but it was information given to him by the NER that he used in his speech, rather than that supplied by the RCA. Indeed, his speech was designed to justify the actions of the company. George Wardle took a diametrically opposite point of view to his fellow ASRS member and said that as there were so few confidential clerks, it was simply nonsense that they should be forbidden to join the RCA. He contended that every railway clerk should have the opportunity to join a union and it was a reflection upon the honour of railway clerks to suggest that they could not occupy positions of confidence without giving away secrets. Some Liberals also supported the Association including George Harwood, who insisted that the House would not pass the Bill unless the company gave an assurance that it would recognise the right of employees to join a union of their choice.
Following an agreement to adjourn the debate, a meeting between the NER, RCA and George Wardle was held on 17th July 1909, but once again the company reiterated its policy regarding confidential clerks. Finally, after two hours, the meeting terminated with an understanding that Butterworth would draft a letter for the RCA's approval, which would then be sent to all officers, withdrawing the embargo. When the letter was received, it still included a list of posts which would not be open to members of the RCA - a policy which was totally unacceptable to the EC. On the 27th July, just before the start of the adjourned debate, the Chairman of the Labour Party met representatives of the NER and it transpired that there had been a difference of interpretation of the agreement reached with the RCA. The debate was further adjourned until a satisfactory settlement could be reached between the two parties and it was eventually finalised on the basis of the RCA's original interpretation of the meeting held on 17th July, when the Association accepted that there should be an open understanding.24 This meant that the company itself might regard it as undesirable for clerks in certain positions to be members of a trade union, but it would not inhibit any clerk being a member of the RCA, no matter what position they held. The Bill was then given its Second Reading on 29th July 1909.
In September the RCA, still infuriated at Richard Bell's role in the affair, took the matter to the TUC. Walkden, who opened the debate, detailed the history of the dispute and condemned Richard Bell for failing to support his colleagues W.C. Steadman and J.A. Seddon in the House of Commons, insisting that his speech had been supportive of the NER's policy. The RCA's hard-hitting motion instructed the Parliamentary Committee not to endorse Bell's candidature for any future Parliamentary election, and should he be placed in a constituency, asked trade unionists not to give him their support. Bell replied vigorously explaining the details of his meeting with Butterworth and admitting he would have done the same thing if his own union had been in a similar position. If Bell did not understand the point at issue others at the Congress certainly did, and during the debate Robert Smillie, representing the Miners' Federation (MFGB), said it was not really a matter for the Railway Clerks' Association, but for the members of every trade represented here.
J. A. Seddon (President of the National Amalgamated Union of Shop Assistants, Warehousemen and Clerks) also criticised Bell and said how painful it had been to hear him acting as an advocate for the railway companies. After Seddon concluded, the chairman suggested that Bell might express his regret for his actions - this he did, but Walkden overplayed his hand and refused to withdraw the motion. Richard Bell, as a former President of the TUC and a member of the Parliamentary Committee, still retained considerable support, and a delegate, infuriated at Walkden's decision, moved an amendment to accept Bell's apology. In his speech he accepted that Bell had acted incorrectly, but accused Walkden of wanting his pound of flesh
.25 This reflected the mood of congress and the amendment was carried by a large majority.
Bell had never taken kindly to the formation of the Labour Party as a separate entity from the Liberals and slowly but surely he had distanced himself from his own members. At the 1909 ASRS Annual Conference he faced calls for his resignation and although he survived, on 31st December 1909, after a period of leave caused by severe strain, he resigned as General Secretary. Bell decided not to contest his seat in the General Election of January 1910 and accepted a position at the Central Office of Labour Exchanges which had been offered to him by Winston Churchill.
The agreement reached with the NER was one of the most important victories in the history of the Association. Nevertheless, prejudice continued and even as late as 1915 the General Manager's attention was drawn to an article in the Northern Echo saying that three members of the RCA were employed in the Chief Accountant's office at York.26 It was from these experiences that many members came to realise that their political future lay with the Labour Party, rather than the Liberals who had close industrial and political links with industry and the railway directors. This was certainly true of W.E. Williams who had consistently opposed affiliation to the Labour Party. The struggle with the NER convinced him, that only the Labour Party could be relied on to champion the cause of freedom when it comes into conflict with the desires of aggregated capital.
27
The 1907 Conciliation Scheme had managed to avert a strike but discontent amongst railway workers continued. This was largely owing to low wages and the slow laborious procedures inherent within the scheme; moreover, no trade union leaders were permitted to make the union's case and each company dealt with its own matters, eliminating any opportunity of resolving issues applicable to them all. To make matters worse, recognition had still not been universally agreed.
This frustration eventually led to a series of unofficial strikes and on 15th August all the main railway unions (with the exception of the RCA) announced that a strike would take place unless the companies agreed to negotiate. They refused, and two days later the first national strike by the ASRS, ASLEF, GRWU and the UPSS took place. The railway companies, who were well prepared and confident of victory, had offered considerable inducements to strike breakers. The NER in particular came in for considerable criticism at the 1911 Annual Conference as, prior to the dispute, its officials had been pressurising clerks to act as strike breakers. S. Blackshaw called on all clerks not to be disloyal to their fellow workers by performing duties for which they were not engaged28 and his proposal was carried unanimously.
The employers failed in their attempt to pressurise clerks to do other than their normal duties but the Government did everything possible to defeat the strike. Many areas of the country were placed under martial law and the Liberal Home Secretary, Winston Churchill, ordered thousands of troops to protect the railways and those who continued to work. At Llanelli, a train driven by strikebreakers and guarded by soldiers, was held up by miners and railwaymen, two of whom were shot and killed, with many others wounded. The trade unions were not to be beaten, and in a magnificent display of solidarity, forced both the Government and employers to negotiate.
The strike resulted in a Royal Commission into the working of the 1907 Conciliation Scheme, with Walkden presenting evidence on behalf of the RCA. On 8th September 1911, he told the Commission that the RCA had originally desired to come into the scheme; they had now changed their policy and considered the machinery to be unsatisfactory. Walkden highlighted the difficulties that the union had experienced with the various companies, and proposed that in order to resolve disputes there should be a permanent National Board, not associated with any one company, consisting of an equal number of employers and clerical representatives. This should include (if the clerks desired), a trade union official, and three persons entirely unconnected with the railway business or the question in dispute; the Board would be reappointed every two or three years. A new Conciliation Scheme was introduced in 1911 but it was only marginally superior to its predecessor and led to intense dissatisfaction. Clerical staff were excluded and Walkden's views were ignored. Neither eloquence, logic nor even fairness influenced the Commission's attitude. Indeed, If that had been the case, the RCA would have achieved recognition many years earlier. It was not until 1919, in a totally different political climate, when the union called upon members to participate in its first strike, that recognition was finally won.
Even though the RCA was not party to the 1911 strike, James Frankland JP,29 a member of the Blackburn branch and also of the ASRS, joined in the action, and was elected chairman of the local strike committee. Frankland later claimed, with some justification, to be the first member of the RCA to go on strike!30 As a token of respect for his contribution, the ASRS presented him with a framed emblem.
During the strike intimidation was common and the Midland Railway victimised any RCA member who refused to undertake duties normally covered by the Operative Grades. This stemmed directly from the General Superintendent, Cecil Paget, and by 1912 several members of the Association reported to Walkden that they had been subjected to intimidatory interviews. They were all told, in no uncertain terms, that the interview must be treated as confidential and that they would be running very serious risks if they divulged what had transpired. Many of those seen were told that their promotional prospects had been placed in jeopardy and in the event of any future difficulties related to their work, they would be dealt with more severely than non-members of the RCA. In effect, members would be "marked". It is to their credit that the majority ignored these threats; one of these was a clerk in the Locomotive Engineer's Office at Nottingham, Frederick W. Dalley,31 who was well known as an RCA and political activist.
When Dalley arrived for his interview he was immediately reproached for not wearing a starched linen collar, but he explained that the reason he was wearing a soft flannel collar was on medical advice as he was having trouble with his throat. Dalley's interview followed the usual pattern. His manager admitted that the company was opposed to his RCA activities and said that although no fault could be found with his work, he could not expect promotion if he remained a member of the RCA. Dalley stood his ground, and to his surprise, no further action was taken. In 1915, he joined the RCA staff and commenced his career as an Assistant Secretary. He later became Editor of The Railway Clerk. Paget not only took exception to his staff being members of a trade union, he also objected to those who held socialist opinions. Two of his clerks were warned about their political activities and were eventually dismissed for "unsatisfactory" work. One had had a personal interview with Paget who intimated that he knew he was a member of a socialist party and supposed he spoke outdoors for them.
Paget admitted that he was prejudiced against trade unions and considered Trade Unions were kept up for the benefit of paid agitators, and for their benefit alone. Also that persons who belonged to Trade Unions and Socialist organisations were more likely than others to act dishonestly to their employers.
32
Walkden found it hard to believe that such discrimination had the support of the Midland Railway directors. He wrote to the General Manager of the Midland Railway, Sir Guy Granet, providing him with a list of the most serious cases of improper treatment, and asking him to ensure that the policy would be discontinued. Walkden also wrote to the President of the Board of Trade, Sydney Buxton MP, and a copy of the evidence was passed to every Member of Parliament. As a result, the Midland Railway was obliged to discontinue its policy of victimisation.
[1]. F. L. E. Watts (Central and Head Office). First full-time clerk employed by RCA. First Secretary Yarmouth ILP 1906. Retired 1945 as Assistant Secretary responsible for LT.
[2]. J. Barrow OBE (Central and Head Office). Started work at age of 12 in a cotton mill and then employed at 16 by L&Y Railway. Joined RCA staff 1911, Northern Divisional Secretary 1940 and from 1945-1950, LT Line Secretary. Member ILP, formed Harrow Labour Party. London Labour Party EC. Elected Middlesex CC 1950-1965, Alderman, Leader Labour Group.
[3]. G. Lathan (Norwich then Central and Head Office). Joined ASRS 1894, RCA 1902. Branch chairman, developed branches throughout East Anglia. RCA Chief Assistant Secretary 1912-1942. Member ILP. Treasurer Norwich Trades Council; President Norwich Co-operative Society 1907-1912; RCA President 1908-13; President NFPW 1921-37; Labour Party NEC 1925-42; Chairman Labour Party 1931-32; National Treasurer Labour Party 1936-42. MP 1929-31 and 1935-42.
[4]. A.L. Dorer (Lynn) EC 1899-1908.
[5]. R. H. Hearn (North-West London). Joined RCA 1899. RCA Scrutineer 1907-1944. RCA Trustee 1904-1907.
[6]. J.R. Ferrey (Manchester) EC 1904-1907.
[7]. The Herald 5th October 1907.
[8]. RCA Annual Conference Minutes 1911 Item 15.
[9]. The Railway Clerk February 1910.
[10]. Scottish TUC Annual Report 1910.
[11]. RCA Annual Report 1911.
[12]. The Railway Clerk April 1912.
[13]. The Railway Clerk April 1912.
[14]. The Railway Clerk May 1913.
[15]. RCA Annual Report 1909.
[16]. T. H. Gill JP (York). Branch secretary from its formation in 1907 (13 members) to 1919 (800 members). President RCA 1919-32. President York Trades Council and Yorkshire Federation of Trades Councils. MP 1929-31. Management Board and President York Co-operative Society 1912-1926. Retained his RCA membership when he left the railway in 1932. From 1932-1951 CWS Board of Directors, President 1948; Chairman Joint English-Scottish CWS 1944-1945; President Co-operative Congress 1949; President International Co-operative Alliance 1948-1949. Travelled extensively on Government and Co-operative business and in 1944 went to Moscow on a delegation of co-operators. Served on numerous Government committees and represented Britain on the European Unity Committee which examined the suggestion of establishing a European Assembly of Nations (1948). Appointed Knight 1950.
[17]. Public Records Office, London. RAIL 527 1919.
[18]. The Railway Clerk July 1909.
[19]. The Railway Clerk July 1909.
[20]. TUC Annual Report 1909.
[21]. TUC Annual Report 1909.
[22]. S Baldwin, Prime Minister 1923-1924, 1924-1929.
[23]. House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, 15th August 1909 Vol 7 Col. 2392
[24]. The Railway Clerk August 1909.
[25]. TUC Annual Report 1909.
[26]. Public Records Office, Kew. RAIL 527 1919.
[27]. The Railway Service Journal April 1922.
[28]. The Railway Clerk June 1911.
[29]. J. Frankland JP (Blackburn). Started work at age of 8 in cotton mill, joined L&Y Railway when 12 as a telegraph boy. First Blackburn branch chairman 1901. EC 1901. Secretary of L&Y Railway Salaries Movement Committee 1901-1911. Helped form Blackburn Fabian Society 1890; founder member ILP; Secretary Blackburn Trades and Labour Council 14 years. Elected Blackburn Borough Council 1927.
[30]. The Railway Clerk May 1917.
[31]. F. W. Dalley (Nottingham). Joined RCA 1908. Branch chairman. Joined ILP 1907. Editor The Railway Service Journal 1924-1936. Appointed RCA Chief Assistant Secretary 1949.
[32]. The Railways No.2 Bill and Railway Labour Questions: Reprint of Correspondence.
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