Single or Return - the official history of the Transport Salaried Staffs' Association

Chapter Ten

• The General Election 1918;
• The 1919 Railway Strike;
• The Communist Party;
• Education and the RCA.

"My own considered opinion is that, in addition to trying to get members of the RCA into Parliament, we should develop and rely upon our own strength. By doing this we shall make our Parliamentary action more effective."

W.E. Stott

Editor The Railway Clerk April 1917.

The General Election 1918

As delegates gathered for the 1917 Annual Conference they were somewhat preoccupied by the prospects of a General Election. They authorised the EC to secure the adoption of prospective Parliamentary candidates from within the Association, and established a Parliamentary Panel, elected by conference, from which the EC would select names for recommendation to the Labour Party. Herbert Ainsworth attempted to have the Panel elected by a national ballot, but this was defeated. It was decided that only those who obtained two-thirds of the votes should be on the Panel, which resulted in only one nomination - W.E. Hill. Walkden did not put his name forward, presumably as he had already been adopted as a candidate for Woverhampton West.

During the autumn, the Labour Party called on all its affiliates to put forward candidates for the election and the RCA was asked to increase their number. This was discussed at the Birmingham Special Conference in February 1918 when the EC proposed that a Parliamentary Panel of fifteen be elected in addition to both Hill and Walkden. The delegates cast their votes based on their branch membership and the following constituted the first Parliamentary Panel.

Table 9

From the Parliamentary Panel, the Labour Party nominated A.E. Townend for Blackley, Manchester; H.G. Romeril for St. Pancras South-East; G. Lathan for Watford and T.H. Gill for York. W.E. Hill had already been adopted at Enfield and A.G. Walkden contested Wolverhampton West.

In June 1918, the Labour Party Conference terminated the war-time political truce. The RCA delegation opposed this decision, as did George Wardle and a number of other Labour Party members serving in the Coalition Government. At the NUR Annual Conference it was decided that Wardle should leave the Government or lose the NUR's financial support. Walkden, totally sympathetic to Wardle's situation, considered that the RCA had a moral duty to stand by him. The General Secretary had no desire to alienate the NUR, but he was critical of their decision, considering it to be both ungrateful and unconstitutional1 and proposed that the Association should make itself responsible for Wardle's expenditure at the next election. When the recommendation was discussed by the EC, it was opposed by W.E. Hill who attacked Wardle politically. This was personally embarrassing for Walkden and he wrote a confidential letter setting out, in no uncertain terms, the role of his assistants at EC meetings. The following month the EC assented to Wardle's candidature subject to him receiving the support of the Stockport Labour Party and the Labour Party NEC.2 Initially, the Stockport Labour Party backed Wardle but later it changed its mind, and the Executive accepted that its position was now untenable and withdrew its offer. When Walkden told Wardle of the Association's decision, he requested a personal loan from the RCA as he was now in a difficult financial situation, possibly owing to having resigned his position as Editor of The Railway Review in 1917. Walkden undertook to consider Wardle's request and reminded the EC that Wardle's appointment to act on behalf of the Association had commenced in 1907 when conference agreed to commission a Parliamentary representative rather than to seek direct representation in Parliament. When Wardle took up the responsibility on behalf of the RCA he had been offered £30 per annum but despite carrying out his duty faithfully on a number of occasions his remuneration was forgotten. He rarely raised the matter and, in all, only received four payments totalling £65. Walkden suggested that this was an unsatisfactory state of affairs and that the Association should compensate him. The EC agreed, and paid Wardle £500, to which £130 was later added.

On the day the Armistice was signed, 11th November 1918, the Prime Minister, Lloyd George, called a General Election for the following month. The timing was clearly to the advantage of the Coalition Government, but in view of the political changes that had taken place, British and Irish politics were not so easily predictable. Following its decision to terminate the political truce in June, the Labour Party, at its 1918 November Conference, voted to withdraw its members from the Coalition Government. On this occasion, the RCA voted with the majority, on the basis that the war was now at an end and the reasons for coalition were no longer relevant. Four Labour MPs eventually agreed to withdraw but four others, including George Wardle, refused, and continued to support the Coalition. The EC called upon its members to do everything in their power to ensure the election of Labour Party candidates and William Stott launched a vigorous campaign in The Railway Clerk to encourage members to vote and work for the Labour Party. The RCA's London Political Committee, which was formed at a meeting of London branches at the Essex Hall in December 1917, played its part, and thousands of members around the country worked hard in their constituencies.

The first register under the new Representation of the People Act contained over 21 million electors of whom some 8 million were women. The Labour Party put forward 361 candidates, whereas in 1910 there had only been 78, but despite obtaining one-third of the votes, they managed to return only 57 MPs. Four women candidates had stood for Labour including Mary MacArthur, the leader of the National Federation of Women Workers, who obtained the second highest vote for a woman. The highest vote was for Christabel Pankhurst, a supporter of the Coalition Government. The only woman to be elected to Parliament was the Sinn Féin candidate, Countess Constance Markievicz,3 whom J.T. O'Farrell considered to be one of the most romantic and generous figures in Irish history.4 Lloyd George and his Coalition Government were the victors, and the Coalition Labour Group, which included George Wardle, was returned with 10 MPs. The Labour Party saw the defeat of Ramsay MacDonald, Philip Snowden and Arthur Henderson. Of all the railway unions' sponsored candidates, only J.H. Thomas was re-elected, and of the 18 unofficial NUR candidates, one was successful, as a Co-operative nominee. To the considerable displeasure of the NUR, George Wardle continued as a member of the Coalition Government, serving as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Labour from January 1919 to March 1920. His union branch sought to have him expelled from the NUR but, although he had few friends within the EC, this matter was not pursued.

A former President of the Association, W.J. West, contested Winchester for the Liberal Party but was defeated. The following year he stood in a by-election at the Isle of Thanet. Now a Captain, West emphasised in his speeches that Britain should make Germany pay dearly for the war but he was once again unsuccessful and lost by 2,653 votes. The RCA did have one of its members elected to Parliament - Major Patrick Bernard Malone,5 a member of the Conservative Party. A railway clerk he may have been, but politically his aims and interests were not those of the vast majority of his colleagues. He aligned himself with the railway companies and with the 178 new members of Parliament who were railway company directors; he certainly did not play any role in the affairs of the RCA.

When the results were announced there was considerable disappointment throughout the union. Walkden was not as surprised as some; he had frequently mentioned the difficulties of trying to defeat a Government that had secured victory and peace for its people. He did, however, achieve more votes, and a higher percentage of the total vote, than any of the other RCA candidates, but it was small recompense for his years of hard work within the constituency.

Table 10

There was some good news in the local elections; in St. Pancras two RCA members were successful, and in West Wolverhampton three of the six RCA candidates were returned. The election of T. Morgan to Swindon Council brought the Association's number on that Council to three, and nationwide 24 were elected.

The 1919 Railway Strike

At the end of the war, capitalism in Europe was in crisis, and although its main economic rival Germany had been defeated, Britain now had to face the reality that the United States of America was the most powerful country in the world. To ensure that Britain continued as a major economic power, industry endeavoured to boost profits by reducing wages. The working class responded to the challenge and the year 1919 was one of major industrial conflict between labour and capital.

Railway workers had justifiable claims to be met and negotiations began in January. An agreement was eventually reached for Footplatemen and Salary Grades, but the claim for the Manual Grades remained unresolved for months. In September an offer was made but this, in effect, would have led to a reduction in wages, and a strike commenced at midnight on 26th/27th September, lasting until 5th October. The REC's attempt to divide ASLEF from the NUR by offering them substantial wage increases had failed, and ASLEF joined the strike. The RCA, which had concluded its own negotiations in August, was not party to the dispute and adopted a position of neutrality. The basis for neutrality had been established on 30th December 1913 at a meeting between the NUR and RCA when they came to an understanding that should one of them be involved in a dispute, the other would instruct its members not to act as strike breakers. During August 1919, when the RCA was itself on the verge of a strike to achieve its National Programme, the NUR intimated6 that in the event of a strike, it would remain neutral. On 25th September, the NUR sent the RCA details of the Government's offer and advised Walkden that they would be on strike from midnight. The RCA immediately telegraphed all its branches and instructed them to maintain strict neutrality throughout the dispute.

Both ASLEF and the NUR were successful in getting the vast majority of their members to strike and there was very little movement of traffic. The Government brought in thousands of troops to protect railway property and even though members of the forces, along with others, were encouraged to volunteer to keep services going, this had a minimal effect. Throughout the dispute the only newspaper to support the strike was the Daily Herald. The Government spent £32,6577 of tax-payers' money to win the hearts and minds of the public, but the unions won the propaganda battle by utilising the Labour Research Department (LRD) who had within its ranks, R. Page Arnot, W. Mellor and G.D.H. Cole.

Some members within the Transport Workers' Federation called on their union to join the strike8 but their leader, Ernest Bevin, proposed a Mediatory Conference instead. The RCA President, Treasurer and General Secretary all attended, along with members of the Labour Party, the TUC Parliamentary Committee, and a number of unions including the National Federation of Women Workers. A deputation which included Arthur Henderson and Ernest Bevin was appointed to exchange views with the Prime Minister in an attempt to solve the dispute. Walkden was nominated for the deputation but he declined the offer, as he considered it was undesirable for a railwayman to be present. At the meeting, the Prime Minister, Lloyd George, at first insisted on work being resumed prior to discussions with the unions, but by now industry had begun to suffer, and he eventually backed down and met the railway unions, resulting in a successful conclusion to the dispute.

The role of railway clerks and supervisors during the strike varied from support of the RCA's position of neutrality, to total compliance with the railway companies' attempts to break the strike. For carrying out additional duties during the stoppage, many clerks who were not members of the RCA received a great deal of credit from the right-wing press. At Paddington, most of the clerical staff were used to carry out station duties and scabs were brought in to fill their positions. Indeed, it was said by the railway companies that if it had not been for the loyalty of the clerical staffs it would have been impossible to overcome the difficulties of maintaining even a minimal train service.9

A handful of joint RCA/NUR members, notably James Frankland and Frank Anderson, did play a full part in the strike but the Association's decision to remain neutral generated considerable bitterness. It was even criticised by Will Stott in The Railway Service Journal. Stott wrote an Open Letter to RCA Members about the Railway Strike stating that his comments were his own and should not, in any way, be regarded as the official view of the RCA. He reminisced about his hard childhood as the son of a signalman, and his article totally sympathised with the NUR. Stott praised the solidarity of ASLEF and wrote, What of the RCA? Well, I think it would have been a fine thing if we too had been side by side with our fellow workers in the railway industry - all solid for the bottom dog.10 Later that year, Stott reflected on the strike and conceded that in the circumstances neutrality may have been the best possible option, but wished that all the members had been out with their comrades of the NUR and the ASLE&F. To be neutral is better than being on the wrong side, but it is best to be on the right side.11

The RCA's policy of neutrality was accepted officially by the NUR but the atmosphere had been soured and following the failure to achieve fusion, the disagreements over supervisors and a rivalry to recruit clerks, relationships remained strained until 1926 when harmony was again restored. Perhaps the only happy incident during this period was when the NUR played the RCA at football on 23rd April 1923. The NUR scored first but the RCA won the match by four goals to two! Honours were considered even, and after the match the toasts were the The NUR and the RCA.12

The Communist Party

At the end of the war there existed throughout Britain a number of small socialist organisations which were Marxist and supported the revolutionary path to socialism. Their members had little use for those Labour politicians whom they considered had made comfortable careers for themselves; nor did the Labour Party's historic relationship with the Liberal Party, along with its support for the war, do anything to endear its politics to such revolutionaries. Their objective was not to reform capitalism but to destroy it.

Solidarity with the Russian Revolution was expressed by London shop stewards in 1919 when they formed a "Hands Off Russia" Committee; by December it had amongst its broad based leadership, Charles Cramp, President of the NUR, and John Bromley, General Secretary of ASLEF. The RCA would have nothing to do with it and when the EC received a leaflet from the "Hands Off Russia" Committee they decided, that no action be taken.13 The prospect of a war being engineered against Russia by the Government was very real indeed and a joint meeting of the Labour Party and TUC warned the Government that industrial power would be used to stop such a situation. A National Council of Action was formed and over 350 local councils, based mainly on Trades Councils, were established throughout the country. Unlike the unofficial "Hands Off Russia" Committee, the Council of Action was strongly supported by the RCA and for the first time, members were asked to take direct action for political purposes.14 At its meeting in August the RCA's Executive agreed by 13 votes to 1 that the General Secretary's name be submitted for co-option to the National Council of Action, but Walkden was to be disappointed. A small number were co-opted, including J.H. Thomas, Ernest Bevin and Robert Smillie, but Walkden was not accepted.15

Inspired by the successful Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, Communist Parties were formed throughout the world. They saw the Russian model as the means of achieving socialism and totally rejected the reformism of the Labour Party. Negotiations took place amongst the main Communist groups and a Communist Unity Convention was held at the Cannon Street Hotel in London on 31st July 1920. A fraternal message was received from V.I. Lenin, now leader of Soviet Russia, welcoming the formation of the Communist Party and saying that he was in favour of participation in Parliament and of adhesion to the Labour Party, on condition of free and independent Communist activity. At the end of the Convention, on 1st August 1920, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CP) was born and a new phase of British and RCA politics began.

The CP first applied to affiliate to the Labour Party in 1921 and the debate centred around the question of whether it should be accepted and reformed, or whether its admission would cause constant strife within the Party. A.J. Cook, on behalf of the Miners' Federation, supported affiliation as did Robert Williams of the Transport Workers' Federation, but opposition came from the NEC and the debate was ended by the moving of "Previous Question" which was carried by 4,115,000 to 224,000. Further attempts were made to affiliate in 1923, 1924 and 1925 but these too were rejected. Communists, through their trade union membership, were permitted to be members of the Labour Party and indeed were elected to Parliament on this basis, but in 1924 it was agreed that no member of the CP should be eligible for endorsement as a Labour candidate in national and local elections. Then in 1925, it was decided that no member of the CP would be eligible to become, or remain, a member of any affiliated local Labour party. At the Conferences of 1926 and 1928 in addition to reaffirming previous decisions, further barriers were introduced.

From the birth of this new revolutionary party, the RCA always had within its ranks a small number of Communists. Many have made a significant contribution to the development of the Association, others, as we will see, were expelled for a variety of reasons, and readmitted. The relationship between Association members who were Communists and those who were members of the Labour Party has always been complex. Although many Communists received personal respect for their work within the union and were often elected to positions of responsibility their politics were invariably rejected by the membership. They had on occasions a natural political affinity with those on the left of the Labour Party, and all wings of the political spectrum were prepared to unite against Conservatism. The CP decided at its Convention that it would participate in elections at local and national level and this immediately brought it into conflict with the Labour Party. Dominic Kennedy (Glasgow Central) was the first RCA Communist to stand in an election when he contested the Cowlairs Ward for the Glasgow City Council in November 1921, coming bottom of the poll with 178 votes.

Education and The RCA

From its very early days education played an important part in the life of the Association and as early as 1901 educational classes had taken place. These dealt mainly with railway orientated subjects and were designed to promote the status and career opportunities of the railway clerk. Two years later, on 22nd August 1903, Stopford-Challener represented the RCA at a conference organised by the University Extension Movement in Oxford. This was attended by over 200 delegates from trade unions, co-operatives, the University Extension Movement and a number of visitors. This, in effect, was the launch pad for the Workers' Educational Association (WEA). Stopford-Challener participated in the main debate, became a member and went on to recommend this newly formed Association to others within the RCA.16

The following year, the EC received an application from Ruskin College, Oxford, asking them to discuss scholarships to be awarded to members of the Association. At a meeting of the EC on 28th May 1904, following an address by R. Young, a representative of Ruskin College, it was agreed that a supply of circulars be issued to branches urging members to take up the correspondence courses that were being offered. Ruskin College, which the Association has used to educate its members for many years, was founded in 1899 by an American socialist Walter Vrooman. After two years, Vrooman returned to the United States, and the college became totally reliant on financial support being provided by trade unions, working class organisations and individuals. The first donations from the Association were made by the East London branch when five shillings (25p) were sent in 1906 and 1908. Gradually private donations became more important and the character of the college changed, with socialist politics becoming more reformist. By 1908, students had become disturbed about the direction in which their studies were taking them and expressed their complaints to the governing body, one of whom was Richard Bell. The students preferred to see the college funded by the labour movement rather than by rich individuals, and wanted its curriculum to be designed to help them defeat capitalism and move towards socialism. Their complaints were rejected and a strike of the 54 students commenced on 29th March 1909 and lasted until 6th April. This eventually led to the formation of the Central Labour College based in London, which was financed and strongly supported by the ASRS/NUR and the South Wales Miners. One of its founders, and from 1920 to 1924 its Principal, was W.W. Craik, a former member of the ASRS. During 1915, the college was taken over by the NUR and the South Wales Miners, despite the strong opposition of J.H. Thomas.17

The success of the Central Labour College led to other non-residential colleges being formed all over the country, with the principle of independence in workers' education as the prime motive. A College was formed in Scotland, supported primarily by the National Union of Distributive and Allied Workers, the Lanarkshire and Fife Miners and the Amalgamated Union of Building Trade Workers. One of its tutors was Dominic Kennedy who lectured in Logic and Philosophy. During 1921, all the colleges met and formed the National Council of Labour Colleges (NCLC). The NCLC, with its emphasis on class politics and Marxism, had no love for the WEA and this ideological battle was carried through to the ranks of the RCA.

Stopford-Challener had asked branches to become active in the WEA and to assist Ruskin College financially by a collection or by using branch funds. The General Secretary's enthusiasm does not appear to have been shared and members' educational interests were largely devoted to their internal educational competitions. Progress came later, and by 1909 the Birmingham, Derby and South London branches were affiliated to the WEA. The RCA held its first educational courses in conjunction with the WEA during 1913, when the Railway Clearing House branch organised Industrial History classes. The RCA formally affiliated to the WEA in 1915 and Herbert Romeril represented the Association on its National Council.

In 1920, a motion which called on every branch to affiliate to the WEA was challenged by Frank Anderson and John Blackburn who told conference that the labour and trade union movement in Bradford had been in conflict with employers who had provided funds for the WEA. He said that those who provided the money determined the character and basis of the education - a view echoing the opinions of the Ruskin students who went on strike in 1909. The EC member Thomas W. Burden18 (North-East London), who had replaced Romeril as the Association's representative on the WEA National Council, opposed Anderson and Blackburn and deprecated education from the standpoint of the working class or Marxian economics.19 The membership, which to some extent had been radicalised by the war, the Russian Revolution and the struggle for recognition, did not share his point of view, and voted for the Association to take up at least one scholarship with the Central Labour College and support it financially by making an annual donation.20

The EC delayed implementing the decision and when the Pontypridd and Newport branches complained, they were told that this had been due to pressure of work.21 The EC was obliged to defend its inaction at the 1921 Bournemouth Conference22 and the South Wales branches (whose politics were undoubtedly influenced by the local miners' support for the Central Labour College) were the first to raise the subject. Ernest Rees23 (Newport), emphasised that every branch in South Wales was of the opinion that the EC had violated the RCA's constitution by not carrying out the wish of Conference. The General Secretary defended the EC by stating that they deemed it their duty not to act precipitately when something had been carried at Conference, which, if put into operation, involved more than had been brought out at the Conference debate and would justify further consideration at the next Conference.24 The President then explained that nothing had been said at the 1920 Conference as to how a scholar should be chosen, and as there was a shortage of funds, the Association could not afford such a scholarship. After an assurance was given that further action would be taken following discussions with the TUC (which was itself moving towards restructuring its educational policy), the critical motion was withdrawn. The EC still did nothing to further the aims or indeed the spirit of the 1920 decision and constant wrangling with branches continued. In 1921 the officers of the Pontypridd branch were so angry that they all resigned from their positions. The EC clearly had little time for the politics of the Central Labour College and in 1922, an appeal for funds from the Scottish Labour College was refused.25

Meanwhile, the Iron and Steel Confederation, in conjunction with the WEA, had formed the WEA Trade Union Committee (WEATUC) whose politics were more in tune with those of the EC and it was in this direction that the Association turned its attention. The EC initiated a major debate on education at the 1922 Annual Conference when an educational fund was established. Delegates were also asked to authorise affiliation to the WEATUC and to utilise the services of the Universities, Ruskin College, the Scottish Labour College and the WEA.26 An amendment, moved by John Blackburn to reaffirm commitment to the Central Labour College and calling on the EC to report on its actions during the past two years, was withdrawn, but only after an emphatic assurance that the Executive had no desire to deviate from the 1920 decision.27 John Blackburn's withdrawal of the amendment aroused the alarm of several delegates who thought that the 1920 decision was being sidelined. Thomas Burden, anxious that the Executive's motion should not be defeated, insisted that the 1920 decision would be carried out and explained that if the resolution were defeated, Labour College friends would not be able to participate in the new scheme that was being developed in conjunction with the TUC.28 Burden convinced the delegates and the Executive's proposals were carried.

After this conference decision many WEATUC weekend schools took place and the first was held in June 1923 at Culcheth Hall, near Warrington. Fifteen members of the RCA participated, along with members of the Union of Post Office Workers and the Iron and Steel Confederation. There were two lectures covering The Industrial Problem after 1815 and 1918; it was the start of a long and happy relationship. RCA members quickly became involved in the WEATUC's management bodies and in 1921 Elsie Orman was the first member of the Association to be appointed to its Women's Section. By 1928, sixteen RCA members had been awarded scholarships and 155 had attended weekend schools. Many more participated in tutorial classes and members regularly took part in schools run by the International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) with their fees paid by the Association's Education Scheme.

In 1924, the EC finally found a reason to persuade Conference to rescind the 1920 decision which had supported the NCLC. This was based on the argument that any person gaining a scholarship would have to leave the railway service, a point that was not appreciated by the 1920 Conference. Business had to be conducted on common-sense lines said J.H Ritchie, and if Conference made a wrong decision, the Executive Committee should not be expected to carry it out willy-nilly.29 A further attempt was made by delegates at the 1928 Conference to liaise with the NCLC, but this too ended in failure.

The reluctance of the Association's leadership to affiliate to the NCLC had little to do with finance or pressure of work, but politics. Although Communists were amongst the NCLC's most ardent supporters, and critics alleged it was a Communist organisation, this was far from the case. The NCLC can justly claim credit for developing many students who later became leading personalities within the Labour Party, not least being Morgan Phillips, its General Secretary, and Aneurin Bevan. However, its politics were essentially Marxist and far too radical for the majority of RCA members.

Eventually, as part of the TUC's co-ordinating plan, the NCLC's two key sponsors, the NUR and the South Wales Miners' Federation, offered its residential college to the TUC in the form of a gift. They were also willing to provide financial support for a further two years if the General Council undertook to safeguard the theoretical teaching in economic and historical science upon its present Marxian basis.30 The General Council was unable to make a positive recommendation to the 1928 Congress, and after a muddled debate, in which the RCA voted against the TUC taking responsibility for the College, no decision was made. The college closed the following year. The NCLC, however, continued, and many RCA members participated in its classes; some, such as Dominic Kennedy and Rowland Hill (Bradford), delivered lectures on its behalf. The Scottish Labour College, which joined the NCLC in 1921, was used by a number of branches until 1925, when a motion at the RCA's Scottish Conference calling for all Scottish branches to affiliate, was defeated. The Glasgow South branch was politically close to the Scottish Labour College and in 1929 it made several attempts to affiliate but although this received support within the EC from Harold Oatts31 and Ernest Rees, it was turned down.32

From 1923 onwards all the official arrangements for RCA education had taken place under the auspices of the WEA, WEATUC and the TUC. Then, at the 1935 Annual Conference, despite the vigorous opposition of EC member George Lindgren33 delegates instructed the EC to enter into negotiations with the NCLC to enable members to participate in its classes, summer schools and correspondence courses. The EC affiliated to the NCLC and provided free places for students attending its schools or courses and subsidised those members who participated in its postal courses. It was done without enthusiasm, and the EC saw it as more of an experiment than a permanent feature. During the first year 20 members took postal courses, 52 attended NCLC classes, 4 attended residential schools and 45 participated in day schools. In the same year, the WEATUC, now well established within the RCA, attracted 181 to its weekend schools, 16 to summer school and 2 attended its international school in Geneva. The relationship with the NCLC prospered and in 1938, seven members attended the NCLC international summer school in Holland. The following year, NCLC records were broken when 100 students, of whom 16 were members of the RCA, attended its international school in Paris, one month before the Second World War began. By this time the NCLC was totally accepted and the Association sent delegates to its annual conference. The NCLC managed to survive without state grants, co-ordinating the work of its local groups, and in 1964 it merged with the TUC Education Department.

In the meantime the Association had renewed its relationship with Ruskin College. It was one of only three trade unions to make a donation (£1.00) in 1918 and £10 was sent the following year. In 1932 the WEATUC affiliated to Ruskin College and it was represented on its Governing Council by Tom Burden. From that moment on donations from the RCA became an annual event and, in due course, other members of the Association became Governors and were heavily involved in the College's development.

The importance of trade union education cannot be underestimated and it was unfortunate that sectarian political differences hindered its development, as both the WEA and the NCLC had much to offer the movement. Throughout the 1920s and the 1930s there was a real thirst for political education and hundreds of RCA members attended courses in this country and on the continent. In addition to those organised by outside bodies, every Divisional Council held its own weekend schools, including some for women members only. These schools were not only important educationally, they also formed a vital link in developing a socialist and trade union culture that was, and continues to be, invaluable to the development of the Association.

Table 11

Source: WEA Annual Reports.

Chapter Ten - Footnotes

[1]. Letter from A. G. Walkden to RCA EC 4th October 1918.

[2]. RCA EC Minutes 5th/6th October 1918.

[3]. C. Markievicz played a prominent part in Irish Nationalist Movement and participated in Easter Uprising 1916. She refused to enter the British Parliament but in 1919 became Minister for Labour in Irish Republican Government.

[4]. J. T. O'Farrell: Presidential speech to Irish Labour Party & TUC Conference 1927.

[5]. Major P. Malone (Railway Clearing House). Elected to Middlesex CC, Tottenham Urban and Borough Councils. MP 1918-1923 and 1924-1929. Appointed Knight in 1932.

[6]. The Railway Service Journal February 1920.

[7]. House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates 27th October VOL.120 Col. 276.

[8]. In 1915 the NUR, the Miners' Federation and the Transport Workers formed an Industrial Alliance with the objective of assisting each other in collective bargaining but the NUR did not call for assistance during the strike.

[9]. The Times 3rd October 1919.

[10]. The Railway Service Journal October 1919.

[11]. The Railway Service Journal December 1919.

[12]. The Railway Service Journal May 1923.

[13]. RCA EC Minutes 29th December 1919.

[14]. The Railway Service Journal September 1920.

[15]. RCA EC Minutes 30th/31st August 1920.

[16]. The Railway Herald 5th September 1903.

[17]. The Central Labour College Pages 106 and 107 W. W. Craik

[18]. T. W. Burden (East London). Joined RCA 1905. EC 1916-1933 and 1936-1942/ Secretary Poplar Labour League 1906. Councillor, Alderman and Mayor of East Ham 1935. Governor, Ruskin College 1932-1936. Labour MP 1942-1950. Baron Burden of Hazelbarrow 1950.

[19]. The Railway Service Journal June 1920.

[20]. The Railway Service Journal June 1920.

[21]. RCA EC Minutes 23rd/24th November 1920.

[22]. The RCA's 1921 Conference was the first trade union conference to be held in Bournemouth.

[23]. E. Rees (Newport). First Secretary of Brynmaer branch when it opened in 1911. EC 1925-1931. Chairman South Wales and Monmouthshire Divisional Council 1919-1921; Secretary Tredegar Trades & Labour Council 1912-1913.

[24]. The Railway Service Journal June 1921.

[25]. RCA EC Minutes June 1922.

[26]. RCA Annual Conference Minutes 1922 item 42.

[27]. The Railway Service Journal June 1922.

[28]. This educational scheme was an attempt by the TUC to co-ordinate the large number of rival educational bodies. A. G.Walkden was involved in its work.

[29]. The Railway Service Journal June 1924.

[30]. The Central Labour College W. W. Craik Page 147.

[31]. H. H. Oatts (Glasgow Central). Joined RCA 1915. EC 1926-1935.

[32]. RCA EC Minutes 25th November 1929.

[33]. G. Lindgren (North-West London). Joined RCA 1919. EC 1933-1939 and 1942-1946. RCA National Treasurer 1956-1961. Governor, Ruskin College 1956-1961. Chairman London Trades Council 1940-1943. Labour Councillor, Welwyn Garden City UDC 1927-1945; Hertfordshire CC 1931-1949 and 1952-1955. First Labour Alderman on Hertfordshire CC. MP 1945-1959. Appointed Baron Lindgren 1961.

Transport Salaried Staffs' Association Registered Head Office: Walkden House, 10 Melton Street, London, England
© 1996-2008 TSSA. All rights reserved.