Ireland - Civil War and Elections.
"It is futile to expect all organising work to be done by full-time officials. The best recruiting agent should be the organised trade unionist, working alongside his non-union fellow labourer, artisan or clerk."
Senator J.T. O'Farrell
President 1927 Irish Labour Party and TUC.
An attempt by the British Government to suppress the Irish Nationalist movement during the election of 1918 failed; Republicanism triumphed and those Nationalist MPs who had refused to take their seats in the British Parliament proclaimed a Republican Government at a meeting held in the Mansion House, Dublin, on 21st January 1919. This immediately challenged the authority of the governing power, the British state. A campaign of terror was launched against the Irish people and this was countered by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and its supporters; the violence escalated and on 5th April 1920 over 100 men, imprisoned for political offences in Mountjoy Jail, began a hunger strike. Support for the prisoners was widespread and when thousands gathered outside the jail, they were faced with Lewis guns, machine guns and even armoured cars. The Irish LP & TUC called a General Strike from 13th April and demanded the release of the hunger strikers. At the same time a number of trade unionists who had their headquarters in England sent a statement to the Daily Herald calling for support for those in prison. Amongst the 18 who signed the declaration were William Davin, who played a leading part in the campaign, and Eamon O'Carroll, who made a moving speech at the 1920 RCA Conference calling for the release of the Secretary of the Irish LP & TUC and of hundreds of others imprisoned without charge.1 The response to the strike call, other than in the Belfast area, was virtually total. The RCA quickly declared its support, but J.H. Thomas (NUR) announced its end on the second day, and told a large meeting of railway workers assembled outside the offices of the Irish LP & TUC, that within half an hour all the prisoners would be released. Sixty prisoners were immediately sent to hospital for treatment and although the authorities delayed the release of others, they were all eventually set free unconditionally.
The use of Auxiliaries (former British ex-Officers) and the "Black and Tans"2 led to crimes of murder, arson, torture, rape and widespread terrorism. The British labour movement was horrified by the violence, and at the 1921 Scottish TUC Charles Gallie, expressed his disgust at the Government's position. He demanded that the army of occupation be withdrawn and accused the Prime Minister, Lloyd George, of lying to the British people when he said that it was only after 100 members of the Irish police had been killed that the police had retaliated.3 On 25th October 1920, Arthur Henderson proposed a motion in the House of Commons regretting the lack of discipline in the armed forces which had resulted in the death and injury of innocent citizens, and calling for an independent investigation into the outrages.4 This was turned down by the Government, whereupon the Labour Party sent its own delegation to Ireland in January 1920 to obtain information. They met a deputation from the Irish LP & TUC which included J.T. O'Farrell, and the information they obtained led to the appointment of a Labour Party Commission to examine the violence and its causes in greater depth. The Commission left for Ireland on 30th November 1920 with Arthur Henderson as chairman and Arthur Greenwood as secretary, and they completed their work on 15th December. The Commission presented a highly detailed report and concluded:
"Things are being done in the name of Britain which must make her name stink in the nostrils of the whole world. Only by repudiating the errors of the past and the infamies of the present can the democracy of Great Britain recover its honour. Only by granting to Ireland the freedom which is her due can we fulfil our great responsibilities towards our sister nation."5
The Labour Party condemned equally the outrages of Sinn Féin and the British troops and called for:
The Irish LP & TUC which earlier had differences with the TUC in their approach to Irish matters now found common ground, and at its 1921 Congress supported the same objectives, with J.T. O'Farrell participating in the debate. In his speech O'Farrell welcomed the support of the British Labour Party and said that amongst British labour there was a sincere desire to see the question settled on an honourable basis.7
Throughout 1920 and 1921 many RCA members were arrested and interned without charge and although some were involved in activity against the authorities, the majority had no idea why they had been seized. Many arrests were carried out on the basis of anonymous letters, and members were imprisoned without substantive evidence. T.J. McKenna,8 was seized by the authorities and all trace of his whereabouts was lost for two days. He was eventually found, and described his conditions in a letter from his prison in Belfast:
"There are thirty-seven political prisoners and a very strong military guard housed all night and all day in this room. For the prisoners the room combines dormitory, breakfast, dining and supper hall, exercise ground, lavatory, reading and writing room, hospital, and everything else, all in one apartment. There is practically no ventilation and the atmosphere is sickeningly fetid. Going to bed means taking three army blankets and lying down on the floor. Even if mattresses were allowed, you could not sleep owing to headache, stench and noise. I shall spare your feelings by stating nothing regarding the 'food' supplied. You would shudder to look at the appearances of some of those who have been here a few weeks."9
In May 1920, 400 Irish members of the NUR took unofficial action and refused to move munitions or troops carrying weapons. They were inspired by dockers in London who were refusing to load munitions on the Jolly George for use against the Bolsheviks. The NUR, which had given its support to the London dockers, opposed the action of their Irish members who firmly believed that the policy was equally applicable to Ireland, and they certainly had no desire to transport ammunition to be used against their own people. Their determined stand lasted for seven months and railway workers were faced with hostility from both the armed forces and the IRA. The refusal of railway clerks to support the unofficial action resulted in much bitterness and at the Irish Labour Party Conference, an NUR member said that when engine drivers and guards were risking their lives, members of the RCA were issuing tickets.10 Troop trains were regularly attacked by the Republican army, there was also widespread sabotage and many railway lines were closed. This resulted in hundreds of RCA members being suspended or employed on a day to day basis. O'Farrell managed to secure temporary employment for a few, and free membership and union benefit was given to all RCA members who had been arrested and interned, some for three years. One application was refused, that of R.J. Hegarty of the Dublin branch who had been convicted for having a revolver in his possession. Hegarty was sent to Winchester prison to serve his sentence, and two others also received long prison sentences. O'Farrell tried to obtain the release of two members from internment but when they refused to deny their association with the IRA the attempt was dropped.
During the fight for independence at least three members of the RCA were killed by British troops. One was James Barrett, a stationmaster on the Cork and Muskerry Railway, who was severely injured in a battle with the armed forces at Dripsey, near Cork, on 31st January 1921, and later died from his wounds. Five members of the group were captured in the ambush and although no soldiers were injured, all five were executed for their part in the incident. Years later O'Farrell related a story of a small detachment of "rebels" who had died to the last man rather than surrender. The officer in charge of the opposing forces was impressed by the gallantry of their leader and after the engagement searched his body for identification. The only thing he found was his RCA membership card; when the officer eventually met O'Farrell, he expressed his astonishment that a man prepared to give his life for Ireland was a member of an English union. How can we understand you people when you do things like that?
he asked. O'Farrell responded You never will understand us so the sooner you clear out the better.
11
The lives of railway workers were in constant danger. On 31st January 1921, an attempt was made by the IRA to kill an officer of the Royal Irish Constabulary at Mallow Station. This failed, but it resulted in the death of the officer's wife and a railway worker who was shot by the army as he attempted to escape. Later the 21 remaining staff at the station were marched off by three soldiers, ostensibly to the barracks for questioning, but after they were out of sight, the soldiers opened fire - resulting in a further death and eight people being wounded, one of them fatally. Those killed were members of the NUR and ASLEF, whereupon ASLEF threatened to call a national strike. John Bromley, infuriated by the shooting of unarmed civilians, sought guarantees from the Government that employees would not be dragged off railway company premises and then shot like dogs without charge or trial.
12 Bromley demanded a Public Enquiry into the incident and had the support of J.T. O'Farrell and the RCA's Executive.
During the same period a large area around West Kerry was surrounded by troops and all communications severed as soldiers carried out a search for members of the IRA. Seven days later O'Farrell received a telegram from a stationmaster at Tralee which said that the area had been blockaded for a week; all the supplies were exhausted and women and children were on the verge of starvation.13 O'Farrell immediately took the matter up with the authorities and telegrammed Arthur Henderson, A.G. Walkden and John Bromley to ask them to bring pressure to bear. In the main, the political differences that existed between members of the RCA North and South of the border rarely surfaced in public but on one occasion the Londonderry and Lough Swilly branch, which called itself a non-political organisation14 expressed its disapproval of O'Farrell and criticised him for failing to condemn the IRA.
Lloyd George was eventually obliged to introduce the Government of Ireland Act 1920, which conceded Home Rule in the South and a separate Government for Northern Ireland. In 1921 a truce was agreed by the Republicans with the British Government prior to a Treaty between the opposing forces. Elections were held to form new Parliaments in May 1921, but the Irish Labour Party did not participate. Of the 132 seats in the new Parliament, Sinn Féin candidates were nominated for all but four, which were allocated to Trinity College; all their candidates were returned unopposed. Labour did, however, stand candidates in the election of June 1922, and three RCA members participated on behalf of the Labour Party; W. Davin, D. O'Callaghan15 and the official RCA nominee, J.T. O'Farrell.
The election took place under a multi-member and proportional representation system and the Labour Party put forward 18 candidates. Seventeen were elected, and the RCA was the only railway union to have members in Dáil Éireann. Unfortunately, O'Farrell, who stood for Dublin North West, lost by 27 votes. It was even said that he had been elected but that votes had been stolen by anti-treaty poll workers.16 O'Farrell may have lost the election but he continued to play an important role in Irish politics. Following consultation between the National Executive of the Irish Labour Party and their representatives in Dáil Éireann, five nominations were put forward for election to the Seanad Éireann, the Senate. Thirty seats were available and there were 112 candidates, many of whom were railway directors. O'Farrell secured the 17th seat and became the first member of the RCA to be elected to Seanad Éireann.
Following the Anglo-Irish War and the Treaty of December 1921, a civil war took place between those who supported the Treaty and its opponents. RCA members fought on both sides and railway workers were constantly attacked. A letter from the Field Headquarters of the Northern and Eastern Command of the IRA told O'Farrell that railway employees actively co-operating with Free State forces or assisting in their operations would be deemed as participants in the war between the Republican and Free State Forces and would be treated as such.17
In February 1923, some three months prior to the end of the civil war, the Belfast branch held its annual dinner and amongst the 150 present were guests and members from both sides of the border including J. Andrews, (Northern Minister of Labour); J.F. Gordon, (Parliamentary Secretary, Ministry of Labour); Senator J.T. O'Farrell, T.H. Gill, a number of railway managers, leaders of all the rail unions in Ireland and representatives of various public bodies. The toasts reflected the politics of the times - the first was The Northern Parliament,
proposed by the branch chairman, who thanked all those in the room who had led the railway services through difficult times and hoping that the Northern and Southern Governments would go forward in friendly rivalry; the second was The RCA
, and Thomas Gill who responded took the opportunity to report that over 4,000 members had joined the Association since the start of the year and that no other area had made such progress as Ireland. J.T. O'Farrell, in his speech, said, For organisation purposes the RCA recognises no boundaries within Ireland and does not even recognise the boundaries of Ireland itself, as our organisation is an international one, imbued with the same policy in all parts of Great Britain and Ireland.
18
[1]. The Railway Service Journal June 1920.
[2]. "Black and Tans" were temporary constables. Many of them were violent British criminals whose sentences were remitted if they volunteered for service in Ireland.
[3]. Scottish TUC Annual Report 1921.
[4]. Labour Party Annual Report 1921.
[5]. Labour Party Report of the Labour Commission to Ireland Part 2.
[6]. Labour Party Annual Report 1921.
[7]. Irish LP & TUC Annual Report 1921.
[8]. T. J. McKenna. Joined RCA 1916 and became Assistant to J. O'Farrell 1923. Died at the age of 32 while swimming in France. Formed Blackrock Labour Party in 1924 and was its secretary and later chairman.
[9]. The Railway Service Journal May 1921.
[10]. Irish LP & TUC Annual Report 1920.
[11]. The Railway Service Journal July 1948.
[12]. The Times 10th February 1921.
[13]. Irish Times 15th February 1921.
[14]. Irish Times 19th February 1921.
[15]. D. O'Callaghan (Waterford). Elected TD for Wexford in 1922. Failed to get re-elected in 1923 but was a prominent member of Waterford District Council.
[16]. Labour in Irish Politics Page 161. A Mitchell.
[17]. Letter to J. T. O'Farrell from IRA 5th August 1922.
[18]. The Railway Service Journal March 1923.
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