Single or Return - the official history of the Transport Salaried Staffs' Association

Chapter Nineteen

• General and Local Elections;
• A New General Secretary;
• Peace Campaigns 1923-39;
• The Spanish Civil War.

"The dominant fact in the world today is this - Fascism is growing in strength, audacity and reckless power. Liberty, democracy and international law throughout the world are desperately threatened; their relentless enemies are on the march."

F.C. Watkins JP MP

President RCA, 1938 Annual Conference.

General and Local Elections

The General Election of 1935 took place within a reactionary domestic environment and the rising threat of Fascist aggression. Unemployment had begun to drop, but over two million still sought work. The RCA had 28 members standing as Labour candidates; one stood as a Liberal and was defeated and not one single member stood as a Conservative. All the RCA Labour candidates received some financial assistance, but only 10 were officially sponsored by the union. In relation to other trade unions, the number of RCA candidates continued to compare favourably. Only larger unions, (the MFGB with 39; the NUR with 12; the TGWU and the NUGMW with 11), put forward more official candidates. Six members of the Association (all official candidates) were returned to the House of Commons, and only the miners and the transport workers had more MPs than the RCA.

Table 22

The most prominent of those defeated were: T.W. Burden, A.W. Longbottom, H.G. Romeril, A.E. Townend, A. Moss, W.R. Robins, G.S. Lindgren, J. Haworth, A.J. Best and P. Morris.

Labour now had 154 seats in the House of Commons, National Labour 8; the Conservatives, along with the National Liberals, dominated the House with 425 seats. Ramsay MacDonald was defeated by Labour's Emmanuel Shinwell, but he was returned to the House of Commons at a by-election in 1936, representing the Scottish Universities. In the same year, J.H. Thomas resigned, following a scandal connected with leaked budget information. On 5th November 1936, George Ridley (who was elected to the Labour Party NEC in 1936 becoming chairman seven years later) was elected to the House of Commons in a by-election at Clay Cross. A further by- election was held at Lichfield following the death of the Nationalist Labour MP J.A. Lovat-Fraser. Cecil Charles Poole1 contested the seat against a National Labour candidate and was elected, with a majority of 826, on 5th May 1938.

When Parliament assembled George Mathers was the first RCA sponsored MP to participate in the debates, and he used his opportunity to condemn the Government for not taking steps towards disarmament. Frank Anderson denounced the Means Test; Frederick Simpson pleaded for additional relief for the unemployed and suggested that industrial towns should be reshaped and better houses built. Frederick Watkins, who had been successful in a Private Members' ballot, tabled a motion which said that the miners were justified in their claim for an immediate increase in their wages.2

The Association's MPs pressed Parliament on a whole range of social and economic questions; transport matters were vigorously pursued. Walkden, who spoke during the Second Reading of the Railways (Agreement) Bill, challenged Sir Robert Horne, Chairman of the GWR Company and the MP for Hillhead, on his statement that the unification of Britain's railways was impractical. Walkden contended that it was not only practical, but desirable and necessary.

The railway companies, said Walkden, are today carrying capital from which no shareholder could reasonably expect any remuneration because that capital has become unremunerative, yet the railway workers are expected to earn, produce and carry on work sufficient to pay interest on capital that is obviously lying dead.3

On 17th November 1937, Frederick Simpson opened a debate that condemned competitive transport and argued that co-ordination was essential. This, declared Simpson, could only be secured through public ownership. Simpson criticised the manner in which transport was organised by the Civil Service and said that it had become obvious that a scientific and rationalised system of co-ordinated control was far more necessary than when the railways were developed 100 years ago.4 During the debate both Frederick Watkins and Alexander Walkden gave Simpson their support. Later, in a debate on the road industry, Walkden urged the Minister of Transport to secure the co-ordination of road, rail, canals and coastal shipping, so that the moment the country found itself in danger, the whole of the transport system would be ready to act in the national interest.5

The electoral success achieved by the RCA at national level was reflected in local elections. The progressive work of the political committees had played their part in this advance, particularly in London, and 14 residential political groups both in and around the metropolis had been established. Of course, not all RCA members voted for the Labour Party, but it was only on rare occasions that they stood as other than Labour or ILP candidates. The Association's record of success was formidable; just after the First World War it secured the election of at least 16 local councillors, and in 1920, 7 were elected, of whom one was a Conservative. Progress from then on was rapid, and in 1935 the RCA had no fewer than 53 members who were Justices of the Peace, 97 who were serving on County and Borough Councils, and 65 on Urban District Councils. Many members had been Mayors, and in 1933 4 more were elected: Alderman W. Robins at Swindon; H. Atkinson JP at Carlisle; E.E. Brennan JP at Thornaby; the fourth was that great stalwart, Alderman S. Lomax JP, who was first elected to Bolton Town Council before the First World War. The one major weakness in the RCA's electoral work was the lack of women candidates, and between 1919 and 1939, only three sought election. These were Elsie Orman, who was elected as a Parish Councillor in 1928 and 1932, and stood unsuccessfully for a seat on Hertfordshire CC in 1938; D. White, a member of the Westminster branch, who was elected in 1937 for Kennington and A. Gibbs (Euston), who stood in the same year, but was unsuccessful at Wembley.

Table 23

The RCA was deeply involved in the life and work of the labour movement and many members held positions of responsibility. In 1935 44 were constituency Labour Party chairmen and 50 were secretaries; no fewer than 278 of the Association's 430 branches were affiliated to constituency Labour Parties and/or trades councils; 9 members were chairmen of Trades Councils and 14 were secretaries. The RCA's contribution to the Co-operative movement has already been mentioned, but it should be noted that 88 members were serving on various local Co-operative committees and 72 had been elected to their management boards. The Association's affiliated Labour Party membership, at 88 per cent, was not only superior to that of every transport union, but its record was one that even the Miners' Federation could envy.

The election of Labour members at local and national level in the Irish Free State was a more difficult proposition. At the local elections of 1934, from a total of 757 seats, the Labour Party only secured 37. In 14 of the 23 council areas, Labour failed to return a single representative. Dublin was a stronghold of the trade union movement, but Labour had only one member on its Council - RCA member Martin O'Sullivan6 who had been elected to the Council in 1930. He was made an Alderman, and after the elections of 1942, when the Labour Party increased its representation on the Dublin Council from 2 to 12 O'Sullivan was elected as Lord Mayor. This was a notable event, not only because he was the first Labour Mayor, but also because it was the first occasion for several years that it was by unanimous agreement in a divided Chamber. The following year, O'Sullivan was again elected as Lord Mayor, but this time after some controversy. A Fine Gael councillor opposed O'Sullivan and he also received adverse criticism from James Larkin and two other Labour councillors. Larkin had a point. For over thirty-six years the labour movement had consistently opposed anyone being re-elected as Mayor for a second term and Larkin argued that it was quite wrong to change this policy to suit Labour at the first opportunity. When the somewhat heated debate had concluded O'Sullivan received the support of Fianna Fáil and he was elected by 17 votes to 10; Larkin and his two Labour colleagues refused to vote and left the Chamber in protest.

In 1936, after nearly fourteen years, the Government of De Valera abolished the Free State Senate. Of the original sixty Senators that had been elected in 1922, twenty had retained their seats at its closure; of these, O'Farrell was a leading member. He was asked to move the Senate's final resolution thanking the Clerk and his assistant for the manner in which they had conducted its affairs. His speech covered the early days of the Senate, through the period of the civil war when the future was dark and gloomy in the extreme. He continued, The battle for the life of this Assembly has been fought and lost. We must probably leave it to other days and other men to say who has taken the right course and who has taken the reverse.7 In 1937 a new constitution was introduced but this was opposed by the Labour Party and William Davin, speaking in the Dáil on an Article that guaranteed the right to private property stated:-

"It is an extraordinary thing that while the Government are prepared to insert an Article of this kind in this carefully considered Constitution, they do not propose to give any guarantee, and I use the word guarantee deliberately, to the individual citizen regarding his right to work, his right to live and his right to a decent livelihood."8

The constitution was carried by a referendum and the Irish Free State became Éire; it declared itself a sovereign, independent state with its boundaries inclusive of the whole of Ireland. The Senate was replaced, and for a short period it was boycotted by the Labour Party. At the 1938 Irish General Election, the Labour Party representation was reduced from 13 to 9 seats. The RCA supported William Davin and Martin O'Sullivan (Co. Dublin constituency) as its official candidates, with A.B. Flynn, Chairman of the Dundalk branch as an unofficial candidate in Co. Louth. Of these, only Davin was elected.

A New General Secretary

The 1936 Annual Conference of the RCA, its 39th, took place at Torquay from Monday 25th May to noon on the Thursday. With A.G. Walkden approaching his retirement after 30 years as both General and Parliamentary Secretary, it was an emotional conference for the 512 delegates. Walkden's contribution had been immense; he had seen the Association's income increase from £1,815 to approximately £400,000 p.a. and its membership grow from 200 to over 60,000; this membership now constituted 79.1 per cent of its potential recruiting area - the Clerical and Supervisory Grades on the railways - compared with 0.3 per cent in 1898.

Table 24

The Association's advance since 1897 had been remarkable. Walkden had been Chairman of the TUC and had seen the union grow from one that had been regarded with some scepticism by most unions because of its reluctance to strike, to being the eighth largest affiliate in the TUC. J.T. O'Farrell had been President of the Irish TUC; C.N. Gallie, on two occasions, was Chairman of the Scottish TUC; George Lathan had been Chairman of the Labour Party and was its current Treasurer. Women had established themselves as a significant force within the union and in 1937, Betty Lamont was Chairman9 of the Scottish TUC Organisation of Women Workers. Sales of The Railway Service Journal were a source of weakness and it had failed to achieve the popularity it so richly deserved. Whereas in 1914, when sales of The Railway Clerk had reached 85 per cent of the members, by 1936 sales had dropped to 35 per cent. Despite this, its former Editors - W.J. West, A.G. Walkden, W. Stott and F.W. Dalley had laid a firm foundation for George Ridley, who took over as Editor in 1937.

Walkden was, without question, a popular General Secretary, but he was no paragon of virtue. If anything he had been something of a dictator, and by his strong personality, extensive knowledge and charm he had been able to dominate the EC and annual conference. It was not unknown for Walkden to act first, and tell the EC later what he had done. When the 1932 Annual Conference insisted, against his advice, to limit the period of EC membership to six years it came as a considerable blow to him, particularly when the new members of the Executive emphasised that the General Secretary was a servant of the RCA and not its master.10 This was now all in the past and the EC gave him a set of Encyclopaedia Britannica as a parting gift. The membership organised a collection that raised £1,150 and bought him a desk, chair and silver tea-set, and the RCA staff, a table with a silver ink-stand. Virtually every member of the RCA signed a huge bound volume in the form of a Memorial.

When Walkden was presented with his gifts at an evening social James Haworth opened the proceedings; he was followed by numerous speakers including Edo Fimmen, representing the ITF, and Nell Cocker (the dangerous woman). She confessed that she was better at criticism than eulogy, and said that Walkden had gained the confidence, esteem and affection of women members.11 It is perhaps the greatest compliment to Walkden that one of his sharpest political adversaries, Rowland Hill, made the final and moving tribute to him on behalf of conference.

Walkden, totally in keeping with his character, donated the money left over from the collection to the Manor House Hospital and, with his long-standing interest in working class education, Ruskin College. The Association had already sent £100 to the Ruskin College Building Fund Appeal and this was supplemented by the £600 donated by Walkden. The formal opening of the "Walkden" Library at Ruskin College took place on 23rd November 1936, with a photograph and commemorative plaque unveiled by F.B. Simpson. Eventually, developments within the College brought a new library and at the time of writing, Walkden's photograph hangs in the library entrance. On 17th October 1937, at Manor House Hospital, and in the presence of his children and grandchildren, Walkden unveiled a photograph and plaque to his wife who had died in 1934 when he was in America on trade union business. This read:

"To commemorate the devotion of his late wife, Mrs. Jennie Walkden, to himself and the service of humanity, the whole of the equipment in this ward has been provided through the generosity of Mr. A.G. Walkden J.P., M.P."12

The 1936 Conference produced other moments of drama. When the delegates went into a private session in order to elect its new General Secretary, they were faced with two nominations: Frederick Simpson, the RCA President, proposed by 32 branches, and William Stott, the Assistant Secretary, by 37. When the session opened, to the surprise of virtually everyone, Simpson withdrew, and the delegates, relieved not to have to make a decision that was potentially divisive, gave Stott their unanimous support, and he became the Association's seventh General Secretary. The EC proposed that Stott's salary should be £850 p.a., considerably less than that paid to Walkden. The Treasurer, Frederick Watkins, justified this by explaining that Walkden's relatively high salary had been for his past as well as his present services and to make up for the low rates he had been paid in earlier years.13 Voices were raised, not for Stott's salary to be increased, but for it to be further reduced. George Chandler, now fully restored to membership, had lost none of his old fire, and asserted that trade unions spoiled their leaders; Rowland Hill then proposed that it be cut by £100. Delegates were not persuaded and with only 12 against, they set Stott's salary at the rate suggested by the EC.

Stott, who had been a great Editor of the union's journal, proved to be a successful administrator and General Secretary. He succeeded Walkden on the Management Committee of the ITF and on the TUC's General Council. Stott also represented the TUC on the Governing Body of Ruskin College during 1937-1938. Right from the start he stamped his own style on the leadership. Always a loyal friend of his predecessor, Stott was also his own man and he played down the personality cult which had developed in Walkden's time. Stott always felt uneasy at references to "Our General", "Our Leader" and "Captain of the RCA Ship",14 and although he certainly was a "leader", he sought to emphasise his role as a servant of the Association, and was totally opposed to military metaphors and titles.

Peace Campaigns 1923-1939

With the horrors of the First World War deeply ingrained in the memories of the British people, it was not only peace through sport that occupied the attention of RCA members. The majority of activists devoted their energy towards peace rallies and conferences which became a regular feature of political life. In 1923 a Peace Conference organised by the IFTU at The Hague, Holland, attracted 650 delegates from 29 countries. J.H. Thomas presided over the conference which launched a World Campaign for the abolition of war. Labour organisations were asked to devote their attention to educating children in an anti-militarist and anti-capitalist spirit, and to bring their influence to bear on their respective educational systems. Trade unionists were requested to give an hour's wage towards the Anti-War Fund and every RCA member was asked to donate 2/6d (12.5p). Walkden had been active in the peace movement and on 12th April 1933, when thousands gathered at the Albert Hall to protest at "The menace to European Democracy" he chaired the rally. Later that year in his Presidential address to the TUC he warned of the political dangers that the world faced and said:

"Behind those dictatorships, capitalist interests seek to entrench themselves afresh. Let me point out to any who may doubt the capitalistic connection with the new tyranny that the first act of Fascism is to suppress Trade Unionism, and the next step is to destroy the political organisation of Labour. The reason for this is obvious in the fact that Trade Unionism and Socialism are two aspects of one great conscious movement aiming at freedom. Freedom is the breath of life to Trade Unionism, to Socialism, to democracy. But it means death to capitalism."15

The RCA supported the peace movement, although very few shared the pacifism of James Haworth. As part of an international campaign, organisations throughout the world had called for 1932 to be Disarmament Year and a letter, signed by John Bromley (Chairman TUC), George Lathan (Chairman Labour Party), Walter Citrine (Secretary TUC), and William Gillies (Secretary of the International Department of the Labour Party), had been sent to every union asking them to support the international petition which was to be presented at the World Disarmament Conference in Geneva. Ernest Townend and Frederick Simpson represented the RCA at a congress of the National Peace Council16 at Oxford on 7th-10th July 1933. The Association was also represented in 1934 at its Birmingham conference, and in September 1936 participated in the International Campaigns Congress at Geneva.

There was strong support at all levels of the Association for its peace policy. Walkden was elected to the EC of the League of Nations Union, and in 1935 served on the committee which promoted its peace ballot. This sought to establish the League of Nations as an instrument of collective security, and the result showed that 11,000,000 of the 11,500,000 who voted were in favour of Britain's continued membership. Just under 10,500,000 were in favour of a reduction of arms by international agreement, and over 10,000,000 wanted the private manufacture of arms and their sale abolished. The same number voted in favour of economic sanctions against an aggressor nation; military action against an aggressor state was supported by 6,750,000. This was a sensational result, with twice the expected numbers taking part. The conservative press dismissed it as of no consequence, and some Tory MPs suggested the ballot papers should either be torn up or burnt. The result of the ballot was presented to the Prime Minister on 23rd July 1935, with Walkden as a member of the 40 strong deputation.

The RCA had an intermittent relationship with the National Peace Council and in March 1937, when the International Peace Campaign asked for the Association's help to assist with a rally, the EC decided to terminate the connection. Branches were told that the Association would no longer co-operate with the Campaign and would continue its efforts towards the achievement of world peace through the League of Nations Union. Repeated requests from the Scottish Peace Council asking the union to participate in its activities were turned down and it was eventually proscribed by the Labour Party in 1941. The RCA broke all its contacts with the National Peace Council, but this decision was not popular; the response from branches was so vociferous that it was thought the policy might have to be reconsidered.17 The EC managed to weather the storm and in 1938, when a request came from the Peace Council for the Association to affiliate, it was rejected. Policy changed the following year and the RCA remained an affiliate until 1945.

The Spanish Civil War

In 1934, a People's Front, with Communists and Socialists uniting against the common enemy of Fascism, was developed in France. Similar political progress was being made in Spain and in February 1936 a Republican Government was elected which did not, at this stage include a single Socialist or Communist. The RCA had discussed Fascism at every annual conference since 1933, but it repeatedly refused to support a United Front as called for that year by the CP and the ILP, or a Popular front in 1937. As Fascism advanced, members participated in the various movements that developed. George Lathan, whose international work was extensive,18 represented the Labour Party on the World Anti-Nazi Council, becoming a member of its National Council and chairman of the British branch. The RCA donated twenty guineas (£21) towards its work.19

The 1936 RCA Annual Conference held, as usual, in May, delegates supported an emergency resolution which viewed with anxiety the increasing danger of war, and said that the menace to peace, liberty and democratic government arose mainly from a failure to give strong and consistent support to the League of Nations. It also condemned the Government for its weakness towards the aggressive acts of Italy, Japan and Germany. Delegates then called on the Government to find a basis for world peace through collective security, and refused to condone an armaments race.20 A few weeks after the conference ended, General Franco led an uprising against the democratically elected "People's Front" Government of Spain, and the civil war began. The French Government, backed by Britain and many other countries, immediately proclaimed a policy of non-intervention. The Labour Party supported non-intervention but acknowledged that the Spanish Government had the right to purchase arms in its own defence; a policy which had the support of the Association's Executive.21

An international committee was formed to uphold non-intervention, but the Italian and German Governments supplied Franco with all the arms and troops he required, and the right of the Spanish Government to purchase arms to defend itself was denied. The Soviet Union demanded that the arms' shipments to Franco should cease, and attempted to change British and French policy. When this failed, the Soviet Union sent arms, tanks and pilots to the Spanish Government, but with Spanish ports blockaded by the rebels this assistance was limited and many ships were sunk. From the start of the civil war non-intervention was opposed by the ILP, the Socialist League22 and the CP, but along with the Labour Party, the TUC, IFTU and the Socialist International gave it their support. At the 1936 TUC, when it was no secret that Hitler and Mussolini were supplying arms to the rebels,23 the RCA supported non-intervention, but with Rowland Hill in the delegation, there was, no doubt, some dissent before doing so. The vote for non-intervention was carried by a huge majority with 3,000,000 in favour and 50,000 against.

At the 1936 Labour Party Conference in Edinburgh, a motion calling for an international campaign to oppose the policy of neutrality was heavily defeated, with the RCA again giving its backing to non-intervention. The vote was followed by speeches from the Spanish fraternal delegates and by the time they had finished there were severe reservations at the earlier decision. Such was the depth of feeling that Arthur Greenwood and Clement Attlee were sent to London to obtain assurances from the Prime Minister that any breaches of non-intervention would be investigated and that the Spanish Government should have the right to purchase arms in its defence.

The Labour Party leadership continued to pressurise the British Government but it was reluctant to abandon its non-intervention policy. At the 1937 Annual Conference of the RCA, George Chandler proposed that Labour's NEC should take immediate steps to abolish the farcical Non-Intervention Committee and to place at the (Spanish) Government's disposal, all the necessary means for its defence, to which it is legally entitled under the existing rules of international law.24 George Lathan responded on behalf of the Executive and opposed the motion, saying that the RCA should send the Spanish people a message of hope and encouragement. Lathan's reply typified the dilemma that many in the Labour Party faced. Everyone was sympathetic to the suffering of the Spanish people but believed that an end to non-intervention would only assist Franco. Frederick Watkins also opposed Chandler and support mainly came from those on the left including Joseph da Palma and Rowland Hill. A card vote showed that the proposal was lost, with 20,275 in favour and 29,300 against. After conference, the EC became increasingly convinced that non-intervention was operating against the Spanish Government and favouring Fascism25 and when the Labour Party assembled for its 1937 conference, it abandoned non-intervention. The RCA's 1938 Annual Conference approved the Labour Party and TUC policy on Spain, and expressed its admiration for the courage of those who were fighting for the maintenance of democratic principles and institutions.26

From the start of the civil war, the CP had been in the vanguard of the Aid for Spain Campaign. Unhampered by non-intervention, its work not only included sending supplies through the Medical Aid for Spain Committee, but also ambulances, nurses and doctors. Its membership grew rapidly as a result. Having seen its numbers plummet from 10,000 in 1926 to 3,200 in 1929 as a direct result of its sectarian politics, by 1939 it had nearly 18,000 members. The labour movement shipped hundreds of tons of food to Spain but its most important contribution were the 2,200 members of the British Section of the International Brigades who fought alongside their comrades to preserve Spanish democracy. The Brigades were composed of volunteers; workers, students, intellectuals and peasants, numbering approximately 35,000 from 54 countries. Of these, 5,000 died in Spain, 526 of whom were members of the British Battalion. Communists provided the core of their membership but socialists, democrats, liberals, Catholics and people of many other political and religious points of view joined them to save Spain from Fascism. Donald Gallie, the son of C.N. Gallie, was in the International Brigade's ambulance unit, as was RCA member Roderick MacFarquhar, a member of the Glasgow Central branch. Another who joined the British Battalion was David Mowatt of the Marylebone No.2 branch. Mowatt, who fought in the front line, indicated his contempt for the British press who were busy trying to prove that the International Brigades had been misled by the Spanish Government. During a lull in the fighting he and his comrades signed the following statement:

"We came to Spain not for money, but solely because we wished to assist the heroic Spanish people to defend their country's freedom and democracy. We were not gulled into coming to Spain by promises of big money. We never even asked for money when we volunteered. We are perfectly satisfied with our treatment by the Spanish Government, and we are still proud to be fighting for the cause of freedom in Spain. Any statements to the contrary are foul lies."27

Greetings to Gallie, MacFarquhar and Mowatt were sent from delegates attending the 1937 conference and Rowland Hill kept in touch with Mowatt throughout the civil war, sending him cigarettes which Mowatt said were a welcome change from the strong Spanish tobacco. When Mowatt and MacFarquhar finally returned from Spain they sought to take up their former positions and, with the help of William Stott, they were eventually reinstated.

Scottish branches responded generously28 to the Scottish TUC's request to send a food ship to the Spanish people, and at the Association's 1938 Conference it was agreed that every member be asked to donate to the TUC International Relief Fund. A proposal from Bristol asking for the RCA to send £500 to the International Brigades' Dependants and Wounded Fund was withdrawn, but only after the President assured delegates that the matter would be considered sympathetically by the EC. As it was somewhat slow to implement the President's commitment, the Bristol, Dundee No.1, South London and Marylebone No.1 branches wrote to William Stott and complained. Meanwhile, in October, an appeal was received from the International Brigade asking for permission to obtain branch donations for the same Fund. This was agreed to, in principle, but the Executive were concerned that donations would not be disbursed to their satisfaction and decided that its response to the appeal should be held over, pending the result of enquiries about the TUC's attitude towards the International Brigades.29 As the TUC had failed to respond by December, the Executive made their own investigations and after assurances had been given by the International Brigade, £100 was donated. The RCA also sent £200 to the ITF Spanish Fund, £250 to the Labour Party Fund and £100 to Spanish Medical Aid. Several branches asked permission to make donations from their own funds and this was agreed, on the condition that it was restricted to those organisations which had the approval of the Labour Party.

The Irish Government supported non-intervention and the Irish working class was deeply divided over the Spanish Civil War. The Irish Labour Party and the Irish TUC (which had gone their separate ways in 1931) tried to alert people to the menace of Fascism but those trade unions, such as the RCA, which had members in both the Free State and the UK, now found that their support for the legal Government of Spain was often repudiated by some Irish colleagues. As General Franco received the support of the Roman Catholic church, the result was that Irish workers fought on opposite sides of the civil war. The 600 strong Irish "Christian Front" which fought on behalf of Franco did not engage in much serious fighting and lost very few in battle whereas of the 231 who fought for the Republic, 59 were killed.

During the civil war thousands of Spanish children came to Britain to be cared for by the labour and trade union movement. They joined many others who had already fled from the horrors of Nazism and Fascism that had engulfed most of Europe. The British Government recognised Franco as Spain's legitimate leader in February 1939, one month before Madrid fell to his troops on 28th March 1939. Two days later, the whole of Spain was occupied by Fascist troops and in the same month, Hitler marched his soldiers into Prague. On 23rd August 1939, the Soviet Government, after months of vainly attempting to secure a pact with France and Britain, signed a non-aggression pact with Germany. Then, on 1st September, Nazi Germany invaded Poland and the Second World War was about to begin.

Chapter Nineteen - Footnotes

[1]. C. C. Poole (Birmingham No.1). First Labour Councillor on Shap UDC. Elected to Walsall Borough Council 1931. MP 1950-1955.

[2]. House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, 13th December 1935 Vol. 307 Col. 935.

[3]. House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, 13th December 1935 Vol. 307 Col 1332.

[4]. House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, 17th November 1937 Vol 329 Col 479/488.

[5]. House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, 21st December 1938 Vol 342 Col 3035.

[6]. M. O'Sullivan (Dublin No.1). Secretary Irish Divisional Council 1927-1933. Irish TUC NEC 1930-1934, Vice-President 1933-1934. Elected to Dáil Éireann 1943-1951.

[7]. Seanad Éireann Proceedings. 19th May 1936 Page 2424/2425.

[8]. Labour From The Beginning Ray Kavanagh, page 17.

[9]. The use of "Chairman" is in line with current TSSA policy as determined at its 1988 Annual Conference.

[10]. Memories of A G. Walkden: G. Morris TSSJ May 1973.

[11]. The Railway Service Journal July 1936.

[12]. The Railway Service Journal November 1938.

[13]. The Railway Service Journal July 1936.

[14]. The Railway Service Journal August 1936.

[15]. TUC Annual Report 1933.

[16]. The National Peace Council was formed in 1905.

[17]. RCA EC Minutes 21st March 1937.

[18]. G. Lathan was a Council member of the International Confederation of Intellectual Workers and the International Labour Organisation Advisory Committee at Geneva.

[19]. RCA EC Minutes 30th August 1936.

[20]. RCA Annual Conference Minutes 1936 item 51.

[21]. RCA EC Minutes 30th August 1936.

[22]. Following the ILP disaffiliating from the Labour Party in 1932, the Socialist League was formed by those ILP members who wished to remain in the Labour Party and the Society for Socialist Inquiry and Propaganda. It affiliated to the Labour Party.

[23]. The Railway Service Journal October 1936.

[24]. RCA Annual Conference Minutes 1937 item 56.

[25]. RCA Annual Report 1938.

[26]. RCA Annual Conference Minutes 1938 item 55.

[27]. The Railway Service Journal May 1937.

[28]. The Railway Service Journal April 1939.

[29]. RCA EC Minutes 14th November 1938.

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