"We have convinced the Labour Party of the need for a sensible integrated system. We thought when we helped to get the Labour Party elected in 1974 that this goal would soon be achieved. We are going to make our Ministers and the civil servants listen to our view and persuade them to it."
D. A. Mackenzie
General Secretary TSSA, 1976 Annual Conference.
Two years before the election of the 1974 Labour Government the BRB carried out a major policy review. This concluded that an investment programme was required, commencing at £210 million per year, increasing to £365 million by 1978 and remaining at the same rate until 1981. However, union suspicions that civil servants were intent on reducing the railway network were exacerbated on 8th October 1972, when the Sunday Times disclosed details of a Rail Policy Review
. This had been compiled by the Department of the Environment, without the knowledge of the BRB, and forecast a reduction of the railway network from 11,600 to 6,700 miles - with the possibility that it would eventually be cut to 3,800. Contained within its 61 confidential pages were plans to abolish 120 grant-aided passenger services and 25,000 posts. More alarming to the growing number of environmentalists was the prospect that of the 196 million tons of freight carried on the railways, 62 million tons would be transferred to the roads. The railway unions were resolved to fight this threat, and, on the initiative of the NUR, they invited a number of environmental and other interested bodies to campaign with them.
The NUR, ASLEF and the TSSA, along with 18 other organisations, met for an exploratory meeting on 13th November 1972, and on 6th December a new body came into being - Transport 2000. In addition to the railway unions, its affiliates were the Conservation Society, North London Line Committee, Friends of the Earth, Save Our Services Campaign, Railway Development Association, Railway Invigoration Society, Scottish Association for Public Transport, National Council for Inland Transport, Railway Industry Association, Pedestrians Association, Commitment Group, Civic Trust, Council for the Protection of Rural England and the Ramblers Association. Within a year, 20 regional groups had been established, and TSSA members were contributing to the work of its National Committee and its local bodies. Transport 2000 was accused by opponents of being anti-road
but this was not true, nor was it the position of the railway unions. In fact, the TSSA said that every effort should be made to involve road interests when campaigning for a publicly owned and integrated transport industry.1
Throughout 1973 the trade unions, in conjunction with Transport 2000, held a series of rallies, meetings and demonstrations to raise public awareness of the threat to services and the environment. When the railway union leaders met Richard Marsh on 18th June 1973 they were told that the Minister for Transport had asked the Board to undertake a further review, as financial trends showed that the railways had little prospect of meeting their statutory requirements. The Board eventually presented two options to the Minister for Transport, John Peyton - a cutback of the railway system by 1,000 miles, or maintenance of the system at the present rate, by doubling its subsidy to £170 million a year. The Government concluded that the existing network should be retained, but 40,000 posts should be lost over a 9 year period and that a reduction in marshalling yards, parcels depots and locomotives was required.2
John Peyton met Percy Coldrick, Tom Bradley and other trade union leaders three times in November 1973 and confirmed that according to the BRB's studies there was no prospect that the railway industry, based on its existing size, could make a profit in the foreseeable future. He told the unions, in confidence, that the Government was to provide the BRB with £891 million for a five year investment programme. Of this, £531 million would be allocated to the commercial railway, £300 million to the commuter network, £41 million for the Channel Tunnel and £19 million would go towards the Advanced Passenger Train. This was £140 million short of the Board's 1972 forecast and considerably less than the £3,000 million over 10 years that the trade unions believed was necessary, but the Board was satisfied that it would be just sufficient to retain the network at its present size. The Minister announced the details of BR's investment programme to the House of Commons on 28th November and added that unremunerative passenger services would be kept open, as long as they were justified on social and environmental grounds. Tom Bradley congratulated the Minister on his change of attitude but criticised Peyton for not providing a longer financial commitment to the industry. The wheel of fortune turned once again as the Government's mismanagement of the economy unfolded, the Chancellor of the Exchequer cut public expenditure by £1,200 million, and within 19 days 20 per cent had been slashed off the railway industry's investment programme.
At the 1973 Labour Party Conference, four months before the Labour Party came to power, Johnny Johnson called for plans to be prepared for an integrated, publicly owned transport system, with all road haulage firms owning five or more vehicles to be nationalised, and passenger transport to be a social service by means of a cheap fares policy. The NEC was not impressed with this and asked for it to be remitted, but in a rare moment of rebellion the TSSA refused and delegates gave it their support.
As a result of the energy crisis, the Labour Party made a commitment to transfer as much traffic as possible from road to rail and the waterways. It also promised that measures would be introduced to co-ordinate and integrate transport services, improve public transport and so lessen dependence on the motor car, and extend public ownership in the road haulage industry. The Government started positively; in June 1974, the Minister for Transport, Fred Mulley, wrote to a hundred of the country's largest firms and asked them to take part in discussions with the BRB, to see how much of their goods traffic could be carried by rail rather than by road. The Government introduced the Railway Act (1974), which provided a general subsidy to passenger services, grants for the provision of new private sidings and freight facilities, and Government support for railway workers' pensions. Unfortunately, and to the dismay of the TSSA, the Channel Tunnel project for which the Association had campaigned since 1917 was cancelled. A further disappointment came on 21st February 1975 when, after a vigorous campaign to retain the Sealink Heysham-Belfast service, Fred Mulley announced that he would not be seeking statutory powers to ensure its survival, and the service was discontinued on 6th April. This was followed by a leak to the press that a study by the Department of the Environment was giving consideration to converting railway lines into express bus lanes. Much worse was to follow.
Behind the scenes, the knives were being sharpened for cuts in transport investment. The Chancellor, in his 1975 budget, decided to slash £100 million from the nationalised industries' investment programme for the next financial year, and in August the BRB was told that their investment programme would be reduced by £25 million - 25 per cent of the total cuts. With increased costs and a drop in traffic, the BRB was facing a financial crisis, and the unions were told in September 1975 that cuts would have to be introduced.
Meanwhile, NCL had begun to withdraw its traffic from the railways, thus destroying the intentions of the 1968 Transport Act. The change was significant. Before June 1975 50 per cent of NCL's traffic went by rail, 25 per cent by Freightliner and 25 per cent by road; after June the percentages changed to 21 per cent by rail, 29 per cent by Freightliner and 50 per cent by road.3 This was taken up by the unions with the Secretary of State for the Environment, Anthony Crosland, who confirmed that the Government's intention was to encourage the maximum sensible
use of the railways but it was essentially a matter for the NFC and he had neither the power nor the wish to intervene in day-to-day decisions.
4
Alarmed at the Labour Government's approach to the railway industry, the main railway unions established a joint committee, composed of four representatives from each union, to co-ordinate a campaign in conjunction with Transport 2000. The first shots were fired at the TUC; they continued at the Labour Party Conference when the President of the NUR, David Bowman, called on the Government to fulfil its election pledge to develop public transport and make us less dependent on the motor car.
Not pulling any punches, he said he was ashamed that Britain had the worst record for railway electrification in Europe and stated (to considerable applause) There are former Labour Ministers of Transport within the hall, who should also feel ashamed.
5 Johnny Johnson continued in the same vein and sharply criticised the Government for phasing out railway subsidies. It should be borne in mind that these speeches took place during a period when the reduction in subsidies had resulted in a sharp increase in railway fares during the period of the Social Contract, and at a time when the Department of Energy was carrying out a costly campaign to conserve oil and other resources.
In an unprecedented move, the trade unions and the BRB joined forces, and on 30th October 1975 approached the new Minister for Transport, Dr. John Gilbert. Both management and unions emphasised the importance of clear Government policies, with adequate investment to ensure that the BRB could fulfil its role. David MacKenzie told the Minister that he recognised the gravity of the national economic situation, but was concerned that the measures taken by the Board to meet its short and midterm financial objectives should not prejudice its ability to deal with increased traffic when the economy improved. The Minister was also reminded of the railway unions' long record of co-operation, their agreement to staff mobility, voluntary redundancies, cuts in overtime working and an end to recruitment in order to achieve economies. Dr. Gilbert defended the Government's actions and said that the fears expressed by both the BRB and the trade unions were not totally justified. He pointed out that he was preparing a fundamental review of all transport undertakings and that they would be fully consulted.6 The TSSA held a further meeting with Dr. Gilbert on 3rd November, when he was pressed to accept the integration of transport, the establishment of a National Planning Transport Authority, and the return to BR of both Freightliners and NCL.
The railway unions formally launched their joint campaign at a press conference on 11th December 1975. Present were the three railway trade union General Secretaries; Tom Bradley, as Labour Party Chairman, Stephen Ross, a Liberal MP; John Cockroft, a Conservative and former Treasury official; Dr. Taitz of Transport 2000 was chairman. Four days later a special meeting of the Labour Party Parliamentary Transport Group heard the reasons for the campaign, and the well organised TSSA and NUR sponsored MPs constantly challenged Ministers with a barrage of questions. A campaign badge was produced, 1½ million leaflets were distributed and copies of a special supplement in the December TSSJ were sent to every MP. On the 16th December, a rally held at the Central Hall, London, was preceded by a march from Euston Station. On that same day, to the considerable anger of the railway union sponsored MPs, Anthony Crosland told the House that rumours of a massive cut in the rail network were a load of codswallop
7 but railway workers were far from convinced that their industry was not under threat. As they filled the 2,600 seats in the Central Hall, 5,000 people who had come from as far away as Land's End, Scotland and Wales, began to lobby their MPs. This event was highly organised and generally recognised as one of the best lobbies ever held. A minor furore occurred when Sidney Weighell, the General Secretary of the NUR, announced that unless the Government changed its policy, he would stop NUR sponsored MPs backing the Government, but this technical breach of Parliamentary privilege was quickly brushed aside. That such a Labour loyalist as Weighell could even consider such an option was a reflection of the frustration and deep anger felt by many railway workers about their Labour Government
A few days later, on 22nd December, Ron Hayward, the General Secretary of the Labour Party, was approached by the unions, and David Mackenzie reminded him of commitments made in the October 1974 Election Manifesto and the transport decisions of Labour Party Conferences. Hayward agreed to distribute campaign literature, providing it did not contain an attack on the Government.8 Later that day Anthony Crosland told the unions that railway investment up to 1981 would be restricted to the 1975 figure of £238 million for each year, based on average 1975 price levels9 and it was up to the BRB to say whether they could operate a railway based on that investment. This was not what the unions wanted to hear and they estimated that there was a real possibility of the railway network being cut to 4,000 miles, with jobs falling to 95,000 by 1981. It was the nightmare scenario envisaged by the Department of the Environment in 1972. The TSSA opposed the sharp increases in railway fares and suggested that the rail network would virtually disappear by 1981 unless there was an increase in subsidies. The BRB was challenged to deny this estimate and although they said that it was inaccurate, it was only by degree - in fact, they believed it would become a reality by 1985!10
The TSSA and NUR sponsored MPs stepped up their challenge within Parliament and repeatedly pressed the Government to publish its transport statement. This finally appeared on 13th April 1976 as a Green Paper Transport Policy: A Consultation Document. It was a bitter disappointment. Despite previous assurances, the unions were not consulted in its preparation, nor indeed was the BRB.
The main thrust of the Green Paper was to cut subsidies and investment and to eliminate some passenger and freight traffic. It ignored many Labour Party policies and paid lip service to others. It recognised that much was needed to be done to reduce the environmental impact of the heavy lorry, but the transfer of large amounts of long distance freight from road to rail was dismissed as a pipe dream. Quantity licensing was no longer considered to be in the national interest, and the long standing Labour commitment to return Freightliners and NCL to BR was not considered strong enough.11 As far as the National Transport Planning Authority was concerned, this came in the guise of a Council, to be chaired by the Minister, but without any real authority. The Green Paper also indicated that 6 per cent of the railway's business was carried on lines that were little used and running at a loss. These lines could be closed, with buses introduced as the alternative. This had been tried during the days of Beeching but in many areas bus routes were later withdrawn, leaving whole areas without any form of public transport.
The full extent of the Government's closure programme only became clear following a Parliamentary question by an NUR sponsored MP, Gordon Bagier, on 24th May 1976. He was told that the 6 per cent of the mileage referred to actually covered 199 services, which shared approximately 45 per cent of the railway route network with other lines. This meant that Wales, with the exception of the main lines to Swansea and Holyhead, and Scotland, north of Edinburgh and Glasgow, would be dependent on buses and private cars. Cornwall would face similar problems and there would be drastic reductions in East Anglia, the Midlands, the North East and North West of England. In all, the TSSA believed that 2,452 miles of lines in England, 1,117 in Scotland and 641 in Wales would be affected.12 The Green Paper was attacked on all sides. Both the British Waterways Board and local government officers found it disappointing to say the least, indeed NALGO had already published a very critical pamphlet13 of Labour's transport policy in April. Commuter Associations and the National Bus Company both found points to condemn and Friends of the Earth opposed any reduction in the subsidy to public transport. On the other hand the Automobile Association said that public transport was an expensive failure.14 Several Labour MPs gave it a somewhat frosty reception and the Parliamentary Labour Party Transport Group said, It is not so much a formulation of transport policy as an apology for cuts in expenditure on public transport.
15 The railway unions and others submitted lengthy rebuttals of the Green Paper and the TGWU called for a restraint on private motoring, cuts in parking spaces and an extension of bus priority lanes.16 The TSSA suggested that BR should play a bigger part in both passenger and freight operations which should be firmly underpinned with a subsidy. It also called for an improvement in other publicly owned transport undertakings such as the buses, and a planned, integrated transport system. Perhaps its biggest criticism was that the Government's investment programme fell far short of the BRB's 1972 Policy Review. The TSSA also submitted similar comments to the House of Commons Select committee on Nationalised Industries on 27th July 1976.
The 1976 Labour Party Conference heard speeches from Sidney Weighell, Ray Buckton, Johnny Johnson and others, criticising the Government for deserting its Election Manifesto in a resolution that was deeply concerned at the drift of Government thinking.
17 When the Green Paper's consultation period ended, the Government published a White Paper - Transport Policy in June 1977. This was the responsibility of William Rodgers, who had been appointed as the Secretary of State for Transport in September 1976, with a new Transport Department and a place in the Cabinet.
The White Paper set the BRB two objectives - to contain and then reduce the subsidy to the revenue account for the operation of passenger services, and to eliminate any support to the other railway businesses beyond 1977. The fact that the British taxpayer supported rail travel far less than their counterparts in Europe,18 was not seen as relevant. There was a commitment to retain the existing network and a programme was established to build locomotives and wagons. Grants for private sidings were to continue and local authorities were to be given new powers and responsibilities to plan transport, with measures to assist rural public transport. Pressure was to be brought to bear on local authorities to subsidise essential bus services and extend concessionary fares; county councils were obliged to produce an annual public transport plan with trade unions, transport users and others having the right to comment on their proposals. William Rodgers held the view that competition between the various modes of transport was desirable, and that if any form of co-ordination took place, this should be left to county councils to bring to fruition. It was a missed opportunity. Perhaps the best that could be said of Rodgers' proposals was that they were a considerable improvement on the Green Paper that preceded them.
The 1977 TUC and Labour Party Conferences did not take kindly to the White Paper. Both bodies made it clear that encouragement should be given to transfer freight from road to rail, and they rejected the White Paper's assertion that this was not a sensible long term aim. They called for a national policy of co-ordination rather than one brought about by county councils, and demanded the return of NCL and Freightliners to BR. William Rodgers intervened in the debate at the Labour Party Conference and asked for the transport motion to be remitted but he was booed for his pains. Tom Bradley, speaking on behalf of the NEC, told delegates he had firm instructions to support the motion and the delegates agreed with this view. William Rodgers took the criticism to heart and in November he announced, to the delight of the TSSA, that he had decided to return Freightliners to BR. This was incorporated in the Transport Bill, which was published in December 1977. The NFC was also relieved of its capital debt and liabilities, but Sir Daniel Petit, Chairman of the NFC, told the TSSA that Freightliners' return to the railways was a non-event
.19 His staff did not share his point of view.
Stan Cohen was appointed to the Parliamentary Committee that dealt with the Bill and on the floor of the House Tom Bradley and Johnny Johnson participated in the debates. During its Second Reading, Johnson congratulated the Minister on providing the necessary funds to continue BR's passenger support grants, but at the same time he criticised the Bill on three accounts. Firstly, it did nothing to further Labour's policy to integrate road and rail, leaving the railways, Post Office and the NFC all vying for the same parcels traffic. Secondly, it failed to transfer NCL to the BRB, and finally it did nothing to establish a National Planning Authority. Nevertheless, the Act was welcomed by the TSSA and indeed there was much in it that was now of benefit. The Transport Act received Royal Assent on 2nd August 1978, and two days later the control of Freightliners passed to the BRB. Progress was such that by May 1978 the Labour Government was spending, in real terms, roughly £400 million less on new road building and £300 million more supporting public transport.20 The corner had been turned - for a short period.
TSSA members continued to play their part in local politics and rarely did a year go by without someone achieving some distinction in the trade union and labour movement. The year 1975 was possibly better than most. The number of TSSA Labour Councillors is not known but David Davies JP21 became the Labour Mayor of Islington and Douglas Reynolds22 was the first Labour Mayor of the Royal Borough of Kingston upon Thames in 1974-1975. John Ryan was a member of Dáil Éireann and the Irish Labour Party Administrative Council; Tom Fulton was Chairman of the Scottish Council of the Labour Party; Jack Anderson23 was Chairman of the Scottish Labour Party Conference SOC and Tom Bradley Chairman of the Labour Party. Johnny Johnson was Treasurer of the National Federation of Professional Workers.
By the beginning of the 1970s the work of the TSSA's head office and its regional offices had grown considerably. The full-time staff now numbered 69 and were responsible for negotiating with 31 different undertakings and had established 70 national agreements. The pressure on its officers was enormous. National negotiations, branch meetings, weekend schools, national and international delegations, day to day difficulties, to say nothing of annual conference, were only part of their duties. Such a workload has, from time to time, taken its toll, and so it was with David Mackenzie. After a period of ill-health, he tendered his resignation to Tom Bradley, President of the TSSA, on 4th January 1977. Two days later, Bradley announced Mackenzie's resignation at a meeting of the TSSA's Political & General Purposes Sub-Committee which decided that he, Bradley, should be recommended to take over as the Acting General Secretary. Initially, Bradley was not enthusiastic, but he succumbed to the pressure and the suggestion that his high political profile would put the Association on the map. Nevertheless, it was an unusual decision as it was normally expected that the most senior of the Association's full-time staff, in this instance Tom Jenkins24 would take over the duties of the General Secretary prior to an election.
A special meeting of the EC took place on 7th January and recorded its deep appreciation of Mackenzie's service to the Association. In view of his nomination as Acting General Secretary, Bradley vacated the Chair and Johnny Johnson took over the proceedings. The Sub-Committee's recommendation that Tom Bradley be appointed as Acting General Secretary was then put to the EC. A reference back of the report was lost, with 6 in favour and 22 against. Amazingly, with 29 members of the Executive present, the Assistant General Secretary Tom Jenkins, and the Senior Assistant Secretary, Bert Lyons, no other nominations were made, and Bradley was elected with 23 votes in favour and 5 against. Tom Bradley then relinquished the post of President and Johnny Johnson was elected as Acting President. This then left the position of Treasurer to be filled and John Newall25 was elected with 17 votes. Nine supported Wilfred Cooper26 and one John Champion. Throughout the proceedings Jenkins maintained a calm and stoic attitude; he had decided to look to the membership to overturn the Executive's decision.
The Editor of the TSSJ, Ray Lowther, told his readers that it was business as usual
.27 To an extent this was correct, but when the news broke, the membership was astonished, somewhat puzzled and not a few were exceedingly angry that Bradley had been appointed over the heads of the professional negotiators. As the EC travelled around the branches justifying their decision, many members felt that Tom Jenkins had been treated unfairly and not a few Executive members were fearful of losing their seats at election time. On the other hand, Bradley had been an extremely popular and competent President who had brought considerable presence and style to his office. His standing within the Labour Party was high and the overwhelming majority of the membership were natural supporters of his right-wing labour views. Not that politics were an issue; it was a question of personalities and competence. The question was - as the sitting tenant, could Bradley retain the post and fight off the challenge of Tom Jenkins?
Since Charles Bassett-Vincent had been manoeuvred from his position as General Secretary in 1898, the Association had enjoyed a remarkably good record of being free from internal strife, but it now began to experience sharp divisions, not only within the membership, but amongst its full-time staff. Particularly intense lobbying took place and at times the contest was bitter. The debate was not only about the election of the General Secretary; the lay positions of President and Treasurer also had to be filled. John Newall decided to try and hang on to his Treasurership but he was opposed by 9 others, including Jim Mills and Stan Cohen MP. Mills was seen as the voice of the left and although this Mancunian was popular and had represented the Association at Labour Party and TUC Conferences for several years, his left-wing opinions were certainly not shared by the majority of conference delegates whose views were often influential in determining how their branches voted. Indeed, Mills had stood on several occasions for the Presidency and as Treasurer, but had never achieved more than 17 per cent of the vote; nor, unlike the majority of his opponents, had he been a member of the EC. Nevertheless, with such a wide field, Mills, along with 4 or 5 others, had a real chance of success, with Cohen, politically close to Bradley, seen as the favourite. The Presidency was a straight contest between Johnny Johnson and Arthur Beastall.
The name of the new General Secretary was announced on 2nd May; Tom Jenkins obtained 35,325 votes, Tom Bradley 28,700 and John Champion 2,175. The members had to wait two more weeks for the remaining results and when the votes were announced on the first morning of annual conference, Johnny Johnson became President, defeating Arthur Beastall. Jim Mills was the new Treasurer with 15,675 votes against his closest rival Stan Cohen who had 15,550 votes, with John Newall obtaining 9,025. The EC's gamble had failed. After achieving so much, Tom Bradley had lost everything and his work for the TSSA was now concentrated in the House of Commons. Johnson was re-elected as President until 1981; Mills not only decisively consolidated his position the following year, he became President of the Association from 1981 to 1987, and Stan Cohen was Treasurer from 1981-1984.
As part of its commitment to the Social Contract the Labour Government undertook to bring forward legislation on industrial democracy based on trade union organisation, in order to extend joint planning and control to all levels of the economy. Few trade unions have advocated industrial democracy longer and more persistently than the TSSA, and throughout the 1970s it continued to be a regular topic at annual conference. In 1972, Jim Mills, on behalf of the Shipping Division HQ branch, successfully moved a motion at the TSSA Annual Conference instructing the EC to press the Labour Party to include it in their Election Manifesto and appoint representatives drawn from the ranks of workers to all nationalised transport boards. A similar resolution was accepted in 1974, but there was one significant difference. The policy was changed from "appointing" representatives to "electing" them. Once again the TSSA took up the subject with enthusiasm and industrial democracy featured as a subject at branch meetings, weekend schools and Political Advisory Councils. At the same time, the Association took its message to the TUC and in 1974, carried a resolution urging the Government
"to arrange the election of workers' representatives to all nationalised boards. Such representatives should be elected by, and drawn from, the ranks of workers in the transport industry."28
The October 1974 Election Manifesto pledged the Labour Party to introduce industrial democracy in the private and public sectors but it first decided to constitute a Committee of Enquiry under the chairmanship of Lord Bullock. This included three trade unionists - Jack Jones, Clive Jenkins and David Lea.
As the political debate quickened, management, primarily in the nationalised sector, were taking note. In April 1976, a joint working party composed of four LT management representatives and one from each of the 10 recognised unions, was established to consider how employee participation could be developed. The following year a pilot scheme was introduced in selected departments. On 1st May 1977, the BRB reconstituted its four Regional Boards into five Railway Advisory Boards with provision for a trade unionist on each. Their function was to advise the BRB on commercial and public relations activities covering all the services provided by the BRB and its subsidiary businesses, but not on matters connected to executive management. The NUR took the view that its representatives should come from the union's full-time officers but the TSSA pursued its policy that they should be lay members. Ray Buckton, on behalf of ASLEF, failed to see any value in such non-decision making Boards and his union chose not to participate. On 1st June 1978 the first TSSA members joined the Advisory Boards. These were Don Propert29 who was appointed to the Western Regional Advisory Board and Norman Pullen30 who joined the Southern Regional Advisory Board. The other three places on the Midlands and Northern, Eastern and Scottish Regional Boards were taken by NUR appointees, all of whom were Divisional Officers.
Lord Bullock presented his report to the Government in January 1977, recommending that a Commission be established to give advice on implementing industrial democracy, with workers having representation through trade union machinery on boards of private companies employing more than 2,000 staff. The TUC welcomed the Bullock Report and called for legislation, but some trade union leaders, including Tom Bradley, had reservations about trade unionists being members of private enterprise management boards, as experience in Western Germany had shown that they had become too closely associated with management;31 others were opposed to trade unionists sitting on any form of board, including those of the nationalised industries. Needless to say, bodies such as the Institute of Directors and the Confederation of British Industry were fervently opposed to the concept. These differing views led to the report becoming bogged down in Cabinet and no further progress was made for many months. The Tories, strongly opposed to worker directors, suggested that a Code of Practice be introduced, with voluntary employee participation from the shop floor, but even this was quickly forgotten when they were in power.
The Government eventually published its views in a White Paper Industrial Democracy on 23rd May 1978. This declared that all employees should have a share in the decisions of their respective enterprise but it was not the Government's intention to impose a standard pattern on industry. Those engaged in companies of 500 or more would have a statutory right to be represented at discussions on all major proposals including investment plans, take-overs, expansion or contraction of establishments and major organisational changes. If voluntary agreement failed to establish an arrangement for representatives on the company board, the Government proposed that all companies employing more than 2,000 staff should have a statutory right to appoint up to one third of the directors on the policy board of a two-tier board structure.
The Government saw the nationalised industries as an example for the private sector, and their chairmen were asked to put forward proposals to extend industrial democracy by August 1978. When the General Secretaries and Presidents of the railway trade unions met Sir Peter Parker to consider how this should be done, Tom Jenkins suggested that a single policy-making board was required, of which 50 per cent of members would be appointed by the trade unions.32 Sir Peter Parker, not enamoured with the concept of worker directors,33 suggested that a British Rail Council be established, as a forum for our railway community
34 where trade union leaders and Executive Board members could meet to review the priorities of our shared enterprise.
This was not what Jim Haworth, Alexander Walkden, Jim Mills and many others had envisaged, but it received the support of the three railway unions and it came into being in July 1979.
Four years after Labour made its electoral commitment to introduce industrial democracy, the Queen announced to Parliament in November 1978 that the Government intended to introduce legislation to give it effect. It was too late. In May 1979, a General Election took place which eliminated any real prospect of industrial democracy, and the labour movement's emphasis changed from extending democracy to defending established rights.
In Ireland, events were somewhat different. In 1977, the Worker Participation (State Enterprises) Act, established under a Coalition Government of Labour and Fine Gael, came into being. This applied to seven state-owned undertakings and entitled all CIE employees to stand for 4 of 12 seats on its Board of Management. A new Board was constituted in 1980 and the TSSA selected its own nominees by an internal election. Twelve candidates stood; three were chosen, Denis Taylor,35 Fred Harte36 and John McLoughlin37, a clerical officer in the area freight office at Limerick. The election for the Board was held on 2nd October 1980 under a system of proportional representation, with 15 candidates, representing 8 unions, contesting the 4 seats. Approximately 18 per cent of the 14,319 employees eligible to vote were in the TSSA. Overall 10,739 people participated and John McLoughlin was elected, commencing his new role on 1st December. He was re-elected in 1983 and 1986 but stood down in November 1989. Both Fred Harte and Shay Feely38 contested the 1989 election and in a poll of 65 per cent of the staff Shay Feely was elected, a position he retained in 1993.
With the passing of the Transport (Reorganisation of CIE) Act (1986), CIE was restructured the following year as a Holding Company, with three subsidiaries - Iarnród Éireann (Irish Rail), Bus Átha Cliath, (Dublin City Services) and Bus Éireann (Irish Bus) which included provincial buses and city services in Cork, Waterford, Limerick and Galway. An amendment to the Worker Participation Act in 1986 facilitated the introduction of Joint Participation Councils below Board structures, and these were introduced on Iarnród Éireann and Bus Átha Cliath. John Mcloughlin served on these boards from 1987-1989 and was followed by Shay Feely. Further progress took place with the establishment of a Worker Directors Group under the auspices of the Irish CTU. This enabled worker directors from all the relevant industries, including electricity, the bus companies, the railways, telecommunications and the post office, to meet and exchange experiences. Visits were made to state enterprises and special training courses for worker directors were held. The Group was, and continues to be, regularly consulted by the Government, and between 1990-1992 Shay Feely was its secretary.
In 1990, the EC was instructed by Conference to open negotiations with British employers to initiate the election of worker directors.39 In the political climate of the time this found little favour. The BRB responded by saying that Board members were appointed by Her Majesty's Government and the only companies that indicated an element of interest were Thomas Cook, who said that the proposal would be reviewed in due course, and Sealink, now owned by the Swedish shipping company Stena Line. Nothing came from these overtures but the concept of Industrial democracy continued to be a regular topic of debate within the TSSA
The 1993 Perth Conference discussed a lengthy report on "Worker Participation" which covered British and European developments; it opposed the EC concept of Works Councils as these covered all employees, whether in a trade union or not, and was seen to pose a threat to trade union organisation. Instead, the TSSA sought to have Worker Directors elected to main Boards, along the lines suggested in the Bullock Report but considered that it should not be pursued until the political climate changed. However, at the 1995 Annual Conference delegates asked the EC to pursue the possibility of TSSA representation on the boards of all companies in which the membership worked, including those forced into the private sector.
Since 1910 Ireland had always been represented on the EC by one member. When the 1949 Annual Conference debated an EC recommendation that the new Executive should be restructured into 20 Divisional Councils and 7 other groups, largely reflecting the organisational changes that had taken place under the 1947 Transport Act, it was challenged by the Belfast No.1 branch. Their case was that as Scotland had two seats, the special circumstances of Ireland made it essential that they, too, should have two, one for the North and one for the Republic. Sylvia Morris gave her support to the motion and whilst the General Secretary, P. T. Heady, opposed Belfast's proposal, it had the support of delegates. The Irish Divisional Council was wound up at the end of 1949, and on 1st January 1950, the Irish Northern Divisional Council came into operation with 10 branches and the Irish Southern Divisional Council had 14. As far as nominations for such national delegations as the Irish CTU and the Irish Conference of Professional and Service Associations was concerned, this was done on a proportional basis. The Irish Secretary continued to act on behalf of all Irish members and contact between the two Councils was also maintained by the exchange of fraternal delegates. On 23rd April 1954, the first Irish Consultative Conference took place under the presidency of Jim Haworth. Then, in 1983, the TSSA agreed that Ireland should revert to one Divisional Council with one seat on the EC; there were now 22 branches in Ireland and 3,092 members.
The political commitment of the Irish membership has always been extremely high and during the late 1960s 90.1 per cent of members in Northern Ireland, and 95.9 per cent in the Republic, voluntarily contracted into the Political Fund. In Britain, where members had to contract out of the fund, it was 87 per cent. The death of Sean Casey in 1967 and the departure of Dominick Murphy to the Irish Labour Court two years later, left the TSSA without any representation in Dáil Éireann and Seanad Éireann for a short period.
The Irish Labour Party adopted a new programme in 1969, hopeful that the 1970s would bring a decade of socialism, but it was too optimistic. At the 1969 General Election, Labour increased its share of the vote from 15.4 per cent to 17 per cent but its number of seats fell from 22 to 18. The TSSA assisted three candidates - Joseph P. Connolly who contested Dublin North County; James Byrne,40 at Dun Laoghaire - Rathdown and John Ryan,41 North Tipperary, but all were unsuccessful.
At the 1973 General Election, the Labour Party contested 34 constituencies and fought on a joint programme with Fine Gael. Labour's share of the vote decreased to 13.7 per cent but 19 of its members were elected. A National Coalition Government, which included Labour, came into being, and this introduced several progressive measures covering social welfare, law reform, equal pay and worker directors on state bodies. Amongst the new members of Dáil Éireann was John Ryan who was elected for the highly marginal seat of North Tipperary. His reputation as a hard working deputy led to his re-election; Ryan was also a member of the Council for Europe in 1981-1982 and Deputy Speaker in Dáil Éireann from 1982-1987. Narrowly defeated at the 1987 and 1989 General Elections, John Ryan was elected to Seanad Éireann in 1989, remaining there until 1992, when he was once again returned to Dáil Éireann representing North Tipperary.
In 1975, the Republic of Ireland Trade Union Act came into force. This contained a clause that empowered bodies such as the TSSA's Irish Advisory Committee to make unilateral decisions on all matters affecting the economic or political conditions of Ireland. This fundamentally changed the relationship between the Irish members, the TSSA Executive and its annual conference, and left the TSSA with a clear choice - change its rules to comply with the new Act or leave Ireland. The Association wisely decided to stay.
The Irish Advisory Committee had originally been established in the early years of the Association but eventually it was dropped as the Divisional Council took over its role. On 18th April 1953 it was revived, having an elected membership of 8, plus the EC members from Northern Ireland and the Republic. Up to 1975 its role had been to "recommend" action to the EC but this was now to change. Legal advice was sought to amend the union's rules to comply with the legislation, and on 17th January 1978 the Republic's Department of Labour approved the proposed wording. The EC then passed the new rule to the 1978 Annual Conference for approval. This was given, and a "Declaration of Compliance" with the legislation was signed and sent to the Minister for Labour in Dublin. No longer could the TSSA Annual Conference "instruct" the Irish Committee although it was still obliged to carry out its business in accordance with the rules and bye-laws laid down by the Association.
The change of rule ushered in a new Irish Committee. Its constitution was introduced on 1st November 1978 and the inaugural meeting was held on 13th December. It consisted of 4 members from Northern Ireland, 4 from the Republic, and the EC members from both sides of the border were ex officio members. The TSSA Irish Secretary, Des Casey,42 was its secretary. Meetings were held four times per year and its conferences were biennial43 until the 16/17th October 1993, when the first Triennial Conference was held at Jury's Hotel, Dublin. In addition to the 27 Irish members present at its inaugural dinner were the General Secretary, Richard Rosser; the TSSA President, Brenda Hanks44; the Irish Secretary Gerry Doherty45; and the Association's sponsored representatives in the Dáil, Sean Ryan46 and Sean Kenny47. A number of colleagues from Britain also attended to celebrate the occasion.
After a lengthy period of centralised pay negotiations, free collective bargaining was re-introduced in the Republic during 1981. At the 1986 Irish CTU Annual Conference it was decided to return to centralised pay-bargaining as part of an Annual National Understanding for Economic and Social Development. This was designed to ensure that trade unions had an input into national planning in order to end unemployment and achieve a fairer distribution of the nation's wealth, and a Special Conference on Pay, Jobs and Taxation took place on 15th December 1986. The Irish CTU pre-budget submission to the Government - A Plan to Work - was published and sent to all the political parties that had a presence in Dáil Éireann. On 15th April 1987 the Irish CTU Executive Committee met the Government to discuss their national plan for growth and economic recovery encompassing employment, tax reform, public finance, pay and social services. It was agreed to enter into discussions on the formulation of a programme, and three joint Government/Irish CTU working parties were established. A further meeting took place with Government Ministers on 9th October 1987 to discuss draft proposals for a Programme for National Recovery. This also covered all outstanding issues including pay agreements in the semi-state sector, local authority lay-offs and part-time workers. A Special Conference of the Irish CTU was held on 19th November and it endorsed the Programme for National Recovery and the related pay agreements by 181 votes to 114.48 The TSSA delegation voted with the minority as it felt that insufficient attention had been paid to transport, but it did support the Programme for Economic and Social Progress that came into force in 1990 and the Programme for Competitiveness and Work in 1994. Not that everything ran smoothly and at the 1991 Irish Biennial Conference Richard Rosser referred to some employers that had attempted to evade their responsibilities under the Programme for National Recovery. He emphasised that the success or otherwise of the new Programme was dependent on all parties being willing to keep to their side of the bargain.
The TSSA granted a sum of I£5,000 towards the cost of the 1989 Irish General Election of which I£1,000 went to the Irish Labour Party nationally. This assisted in the election of Sean Ryan who entered Dáil Éireann representing Dublin North, a three seat constituency. The election of Sean Ryan was a significant breakthrough as it was 20 years since Labour had won the seat. Its share of the vote in Dublin North went up from the 10 per cent it obtained in 1987 to 18 per cent, one of the biggest swings in the country. Sean Ryan was re-elected in 1992, topping the poll with 14,500 votes and achieving, with 34 per cent of the vote, the best Labour result in the country.49 Between 1989 and 1992 he was the Labour Party spokesperson on defence, labour/employment and youth affairs.
Labour's popularity sharply improved and at the 1992 General Election it increased its representation in the Dáil to 33. The TSSA sponsored two of its members, Sean Ryan and Sean Kenny, who topped the poll in Dublin North East with over 22 per cent of the votes cast. They were joined by John Ryan at North Tipperary and another TSSA member, Noel Ahern,50 representing Dublin North West on behalf of Fianna Fáil.
Following the election the Irish Labour Party held a special conference to consider a document entitled Fianna Fáil and Labour Programme for a Partnership Government 1993-1997. The TSSA was represented by a delegation of five, including Sean Ryan who welcomed the Programme's commitment to public transport and the railway, but pointed out that there was no mention of the bus industry. He said that Labour must ensure that the moves already made towards privatisation and deregulation, brought about by the breakup of ClE in 1987, were opposed and reversed. The TSSA delegation supported the Programme as did the majority of the 1,300 delegates, and Labour joined Fianna Fáil in Government for the first time in its history on 12th January 1993.
The murders and violence that had engulfed Northern Ireland after the civil rights campaign had commenced in 1968, led to the Heath Government attempting to resolve the political crisis that ensued by establishing a 78-seat Assembly in 1973. A power-sharing agreement was signed at Sunningdale in December by Britain and the Republic of Ireland, involving Unionists, the Alliance Party and the Social Democratic and Labour Party. It provided for the introduction of a Council of Ireland and a Consultative Assembly, with representatives from both sides of the border discussing matters of mutual interest including transport, tourism, public health, sport. electricity generation and public health advisory services. The Government of the Republic maintained its constitutional desire for a united Ireland, but accepted that this could only take place by consent. For its part, the British Government supported Northern Ireland's wish to remain a part of the UK but agreed that, if the people decided to become part of a united Ireland, it would support their decision. Such a concept was anathema to many Unionists, and when the Stormont Assembly met on 14th May 1974 and endorsed the power-sharing Sunningdale Agreement by 44 votes to 28, the Loyalist Ulster Workers' Council called for a total stoppage of all industries.
Power cuts forced the closure of several factories, and even though a minority of workers supported the call, the strike was dominated by terrorism and fear of reprisals if they failed to participate. Ironically, a six week strike at Ulsterbus ended on the day after the Workers' Council called the stoppage, but when road blocks were established and some bus drivers dragged from their vehicles and beaten up, the message was clear. Towns were cut off and gangs roamed the streets with guns and cudgels to enforce the so-called strike. Buses were burnt and Belfast's railway stations were frequently closed following a spate of hoax bomb warnings. Some trains did run, but not to schedule. Meanwhile, the Labour Government was slow to act, and the troops continued their normal activities whilst thugs controlled the streets. On 17th May 1974 three car bombs exploded in Dublin, killing 22 people and leaving 100 injured; five others were killed by a car bomb in Monaghan.
Those who led the Ulster Workers' Council had no standing in the trade union movement and they were supported by Unionist politicians who had frequently condemned strikes. It was a political attack against a democratic decision of its own Parliament, backed by paramilitary terror tactics. The whiff of Fascism was in the air. Leading trade unionists denounced the strike but the majority were fearful for their lives. Lionel Murray, the General Secretary of the TUC, went to Northern Ireland and bravely led a march back to work, but this effort to break the Council's influence received the support of only 600 workers. The majority of TSSA members managed to get to work in spite of the dangers and the Irish Advisory Council thanked them for continuing to work in such frightening circumstances.51 The power-sharing administration, which had commenced in January, collapsed on 29th May with the resignation of Brian Faulkner, its Chief Executive, and the other Unionist members, resulting in direct rule being reintroduced from Westminster.
How did all these cataclysmic events affect the TSSA's membership? To judge from the published records, very little, but that would not present the full picture and no-one was totally untouched. There is no doubt that some members in the Republic were, to an extent, indifferent, whereas in the North, Ulster's daily carnage dominated their lives. The frequency of branch meetings was dependent on the scale of violence, and in Londonderry three hotels that had been used for branch meetings were blown to bits. Understandably, there was a reluctance to be on the streets at night. The sensitivities of Party politics were respected and studiously avoided within the Irish Committee, at weekend schools and Divisional Council meetings. On those rare occasions when tensions did surface, they were never allowed to compromise the overriding interests of the Association.
A series of IRA bombings on the Belfast to Dublin railway service during the first eight months of 1989 led to the line being totally closed for 53 days. The number of passengers dropped substantially and millions of pounds worth of freight revenue were lost. Threats to jobs became a serious issue, and at the 19th TSSA Irish Biennial Conference in November 1989, the Belfast branch condemned the terrorist attacks.52
It was arising from the attempt to disrupt the train service that the Belfast-Dublin Peace Train came into operation. Initiated by peace campaigners in both Northern Ireland and the Republic it received the support of the Irish President, Mary Robinson, the Czechoslovakian President, Vaclav Havel, and many leading figures within the Irish trade union and labour movement on both sides of the border. Two trains, whose sponsors included the Irish CTU and the TSSA, set off from Belfast on 28th October 1989 with 450 on board, to be joined by many more from the Republic on the return journey. Some of those carried included TSSA members; unfortunately, the train was halted by further bomb hoaxes and the journey took 22 hours longer than planned.
Irish politics were rarely discussed within the TSSA and the subject did not feature at weekend schools; even Political Committees did not debate the matter. There were instances when branches raised specific events with the EC and in 1971 the Dublin No.1 branch condemned internment calling on the Executive to tell the Government that its Special Powers should be erased from the statute book.53 Three years later, the Waterford branch asked the EC to try and halt the inhumane treatment
meted out to Hugh Feeney, Gerald Kelly and the Price sisters, who were on hunger strike in Wormwood Scrubs, and to have them transferred to prisons in Northern Ireland.54 In the same year, the Western Divisional Council deplored the actions of those who exploded two bombs in Birmingham which killed 19 people and injured 182.55
It had been intended to hold the TSSA's 1972 Annual Conference in Dun Laoghaire. This was welcomed as the Association had held its annual conference in Ireland on only two previous occasions, in 1915 and 1932. Unfortunately, it was not to be; the escalating violence gave rise to a number of branches expressing anxiety and, in February, the local reception committee recommended that alternative arrangements should be made. Weymouth was selected, and for the first time the tragedy of Northern Ireland was brought sharply to the attention of delegates when Joseph Deasy, (Dublin No.1) carried a resolution appreciating the efforts being made by the trade union movement to secure a just and lasting solution.56 It was not until 1985, and hundreds of deaths later, that the subject of Ireland was once again raised at annual conference. On this occasion, David Richards (Euston No.1) expressed the view that the Irish Congress and the British TUC should examine the economic effects of the conflict, and encourage twinning between trade union branches and towns in both countries.57 This was not supported, nor was a much more radical approach made in 1990 by the Waterloo branch. This called on a future Labour Government to set a date for the complete withdrawal, by stages, of all British troops from Northern Ireland; for negotiations to take place between all interested parties, and to establish a united Ireland based on equal rights for all. At the same conference the TSSA welcomed the release of the "Guildford Four"58 and supported the campaign to release those who had been unjustly imprisoned for the Birmingham bombings in 1974.59 With the Provisional IRA's cessation of what it termed military operations
on 31st August 1994 and the ending of Loyalist paramilitary action on 13th October, hopes were high that peace could become a reality. At the 1995 Annual Conference, Tony Dermody (CIE Executive Grades) applauded the peace process and welcomed the possibilities that now exist to break old moulds and to fashion a new Ireland of peace, progress and prosperity.
60 After protracted political manoeuvering by the British Government, it was a hope that was brutally shattered when the Provisional IRA resumed its murderous bombing campaign in London on 9th February 1996.
[1]. TSSA Annual Conference 1973 Minutes item 126.
[2]. TSSA Circular 19th June 1973.
[3]. TSSA Annual Report 1976.
[4]. TSSA Annual Report 1975.
[5]. Labour Party Conference Minutes 1975.
[6]. TSSA EC Minutes 8th November 1975.
[7]. House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, 16th December Vol. 902 Col. 621.
[8]. TSSA EC P&GP Minutes 8th January 1976.
[9]. Of the £238 million, £20 million was allocated to BR subsidiaries, £18 million for Passenger Transport Executives and £200 million for BR.
[10]. TSSJ March 1976.
[11]. TSSJ May 1976.
[12]. TSSA evidence to Select Committee on Nationalised Industries, TSSJ August 1976.
[13]. Save Your Road Transport Service: NALGO Policy Statement April 1976.
[14]. The Times 7th August 1976.
[15]. The Times 18th August 1976.
[16]. The Times 16th July 1976.
[17]. Labour Party Annual Report 1976.
[18]. EEC figures published in 1977 showed that the British taxpayer paid £8.95 per head per year to support rail travel; the French £20.50, the Germans £40.50. (TSSJ November 1978).
[19]. TSSJ May 1977.
[20]. Statement: W. Rodgers, Minister for Transport (TSSJ May 1978).
[21]. D. Davies (Euston No.1) TSSA EC 1960-1963.
[22]. D. G. Reynolds JP (Southern Region MS). Branch and South West Divisional Council Chairman; a Parliamentary candidate in 1959. His father H. G. Reynolds was also an active RCA member and their combined membership lasted from 1905-1981. Both were JPs and Labour Councillors.
[23]. J. Anderson (Edinburgh No.1). Chairman Scottish Eastern Divisional Council, EC 1959-1965.
[24]. T. Jenkins CBE MCIT (Swansea Docks then Central and Head Office). Joined Great Western Railway and the RCA in 1937, and RCA's staff in 1949. Became Southern, Western, LM Line Secretary, Senior Assistant, then Senior Assistant General Secretary. General Secretary 1977-1982. Served on Hotel and Catering Industry Training Board, Air Transport and Travel Industry Training Board. Labour Party Transport Sub-Committee, Railway Advisory Committee on Safety and ITF Committees 1977-1983.
[25]. J. Newall (Transportation Senior Staff). Joined RCA 1950. Branch chairman; TSSA EC 1971-1976; Acting National Treasurer January-May 1977.
[26]. W. N. Cooper JP (York No.1) EC 1969-1975.
[27]. TSSJ February 1977.
[28]. TUC Annual Report 1974.
[29]. D. Propert (Bristol). EC 1973-1979.
[30]. N.J. Pullen (Southern House No.1) EC 1973-1981.
[31]. TSSJ May 1977.
[32]. TSSA EC P&GP Minutes 3rd August 1978.
[33]. Sir Peter Parker told the 1981 TSSA Annual Conference that the concept of worker directors was confused and contradictory.
[34]. TSSJ July 1979.
[35]. D. Taylor (Dublin No.1). EC 1987-1993.
[36]. F. Harte (Waterford). EC 1972-1978.
[37]. J. McLoughlin (Limerick). Joined TSSA 1960. Secretary Irish Divisional Council; Secretary Limerick Council Trade Unions; member of Limerick Harbour Board. Irish CTU Tax Reform Committee, Shannon Free Airport Trade Union Advisory Committee.
[38]. S. Feely (Dublin No.1) Chairman, Irish (Southern) Divisional Council 1972-1986.
[39]. TSSA Annual Conference Minutes 1990 item 154.
[40]. J. Byrne (Dublin No.2). Branch secretary; Borough Councillor, Dun Laoghaire.
[41]. J. Ryan (Limerick). Joined RCA 1946 and Irish Labour Party 1954. Councillor Nenagh Urban District since 1956; North Tipperary CC since 1960. Elected to Dáil Éireann 1973-1987 and since 1992; Elected to Seanad Éireann 1989-1992. Labour Party Administrative Council 1970-1971 and 1972-1975.
[42]. D. Casey (Dundalk). Joined RCA 1950. Branch secretary. Chairman, Secretary and Treasurer, Irish (Southern) Divisional Council. TSSA Irish Secretary 1978-1991. Irish CTU EC 1978-1980.
[43]. The first Irish Biennial Conference was held on 23rd April 1954.
[44]. B. Hanks (Derby MS). Joined BR Engineering 1948, TSSA 1967. EC 1982-1987; TSSA Treasurer 1987-1993, President since 1993. Member of the Governing Body and Executive Council of Ruskin College since 1994. Auditor ITF.
[45]. G. Doherty (Glasgow South). Joined TSSA 1972. Branch chairman; Secretary Glasgow and West of Scotland Political Advisory Council; EC 1988-1991; Joined TSSA staff as Irish Secretary 1991, Divisional Secretary 1995.
[46]. S. Ryan (Dublin Supervisors). Joined TSSA 1979 and Irish Labour Party 1981. Co-opted Dublin CC 1983, elected since 1985. Elected to Dáil Éireann 1989.
[47]. S. Kenny (CIE Executive Grades). Joined TSSA 1962. Elected to Dáil Éireann 1992; Irish Labour Party Administrative Council since 1992. Councillor Dublin City since 1979, leader of Labour Group and Lord Mayor 1991-1992.
[48]. Irish CTU Annual Reports 1986, 1987, 1988.
[49]. Irish Labour Party Report 1991-1992.
[50]. N. Ahern (Dublin No.1). Joined TSSA 1962 and Fianna Fáil 1974. Elected Dublin City Council 1985, Alderman and Chairman Housing Committee. Elected to Dáil Éireann 1992.
[51]. TSSJ July 1977.
[52]. TSSA Irish Biennial Conference Minutes 1989.
[53]. TSSA EC P&GP Minutes 15th October 1971.
[54]. TSSA EC P&GP Minutes 8th February 1974.
[55]. TSSA EC P&GP Minutes 6th December 1974.
[56]. TSSA Annual Conference Minutes 1972 item 94.
[57]. TSSA Annual Conference Minutes 1985 item 167.
[58]. The "Guildford Four" were sent to gaol in 1974 and had their convictions quashed in 1989. Those convicted for the 1974 Birmingham bombings had their sentences terminated and were released in 1991.
[59]. TSSA Annual Conference Minutes 1990 item 156.
[60]. TSSA Annual Conference Minutes 1995 item 112.
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